THE CAPE CONSTITUTION.

Evening Star, Issue 11627, 11 July 1902, Page 2

THE CAPE CONSTITUTION.

j PARLIAMENT v, THE PEOPLE. HISTORY OP THE SUSPENSION AGITATION.

The raovmetot initiated in Cape Colony ago for the EUgpenelon of the of that colony was originated IkiJt 9®P® Times ? ) on' the return of •a® late Cecil Rhodes from England at the beginning of the year. On' becoming acaU?>vLWltli tbe state of affairs r Rhodes cam© to the conclusion that ite was imperative, in the interests of the p Africa, that the Locn&tution of- Cape Colony should be temporally Expended, and that Responsible Government should remain in abeyanoe tor a tane. Mr Rhodes was supported m this view by the leaders and • ,£j J J a 8m I * , ?F s the Progressive partv i>h loc»l Parliament. At a meeting of this party, held in Mr Rhodes’s house, the o .owing petition for submission to the Governor of Cape Colony (Sir W. Hely- *^ SOn J Vas agreed to and signed bv tw ° Members of the Assembly:—' rr: to the prolongation of the war « 8 Majesty’s Parliament. ‘in the Capr ©as been unable to meet, and tm ordinary registration of voters, as provided lor by law, has hot been carried out. On these two questions the Constitution has practically vio’atod. , T . Tb®. Parliamentary representation of riis Majesty’s subjects in tiie Cape Colony is not at present fairly provided for, and in consequence of the passions aroused by the war it would be impossible, in the opinion of your Excellency's petitioners, for tht tap© Parliament' to legislate on such a question 111 an impartial manner. '‘-Your Excellency’s; petitioners also fee! that in the abaost equally divided state of the parties in both brandies of our Legis latere it would be inexpedient to. ask for an indemnity for the acts committed under martial law and for the unauthorised expenditure which has been incurred, apart from the bitterness and racial dissent which would be fomented by debates on these questions.

lu view of these facts your Excellency's petitioners are strongly of'opinion that the proper solution of the problems now confronting the Cape Colony is a temporary suspension of the Constitution for a period which His Majesty would be enabled to deal with the existing difficulties, and afterwards to rested the Constitution so amended to the colony.” Among the signatories were the names of C. J. Rhodes, SirH. Stockenstroom, Colonel Bayky, W. Runciman, Colonel Schermbrucker, General Brabant, Colonel Warren, Coionel Harris, Dr Smuts, Colonel Tampjin. Dr 'Vanes,- Dr Jameson, Sir H. Jnta, Colonel Crewe, J. L. Brown, J. D. Cartwright, and D. C. De Waal. The, three last-nameti subsequently withdrew from the movement for reasons that will appear .Jater. The leaders -carried their memorial to Sir Gordon Sprigg in the first instance, but the Premier would have nothing whatever to do with them. He declared that there was not the slightest rea ' son for suspending the Constitution, nor was there any reason to fear the consequences of meeting Parliament, since the Progressives, who are .the party opposed to Afrikander Bond, had a decided ma jenity in the Representative Chamber. These views were combated by the Vigihints, as the Progressives have styled them selves, and meeting with cold comfort from the Ministry they addressed themselves by letter to the Governor in these terms: *

Iho signatories to the petition for presentation to the Secretary for the Colonies, while^ asking for a temporary, withdrawal o’ the Constitution, wou.d request your Excellency to make it known to. His Majesty’s Government- that they <lO not favor an indefinite suspension. They recognise that it is essential for the welfare and prosperity of this colony that a,short, period of political peace, five from all those party and racial animosities which, must be associated with a meeting of Parliament and contested ejections at tho present time or, for som time to come, should succeed the upheavals caused by the present campaign. . ‘As members of Parliament they art strongly opposed to any attempt being made to call tho Houses of Legislature together before the country has had an opportunity and time to recover from the bitter passions which, have been aroused. But they are averse to a ; permanent abrogation of Responsible Government. “Under those circumstances they would respectfully approach, your Excellency with a view to your obtaining from His Ma.ji.sty> Government some enlightenment as to the manner in which the Government of the Cape Colony would be carried on during the time when its Parliament did not meet° and also to what extent the fiscal policy and the taxation of tho colony’ would be affected by such an interregnum. . They would also ask for information as e to the methods by which such matters as'education, irrigation, railway development, -improvement, and construction of harbors, Wi!ut is known as Private Bill Legislation generally, and the treatment of the native population, would be ..dealt with during such interregnum. “ The signatories would esteem it a favor if your Excellency would submit a copy, of the petition and also of this letter to the High Commissioner, as they desire his guidance and advice in the present difficult position.

“ They feel most strongly that Lord Milner, who was so recently. their Governor, and dunng the period immediately preceding and subsequent to the commencement of the present troubles showed such foresight and so complete a knowledge of the political conditions prevailing, could, if he would, give some expression of, opinion which would be of assistance to them, not only in regard to the present proposal, but also in regard to the probable position of the colony during dm tune when their parliamentary institutions would be inoperative.” A copy of the petition* together with the covering documents, was sent to Lord Milner at Johannesburg, who replied to the Governor of Cape colony in these terms ; “May 19. “Dear Hutchinson, —I have rece.vedyour letter of the 12th May, containing- & copy of the petition presented to you for transmission to the Secretary of State by forty - two members of the Cape Legislature, together with a covering letter, in which the petitioners ask, inter alia, {or an expression of opinion on my part with reference to the subject matter of that petition, and the condition of affairs which would arise if the prayer of the petition was granted. “ It w'ould not, in my opinion, he proper for me to enter mto any discussion of the contents of the petition unless His Majesty’s Government or the Government of die Cape Colony invited an expression of ray views But the letter accompanying the petition stands in a somewhat d.fferent position, and in any case I am bound to reply to the personal appeaj made to me by the writers. I hope yon will assure them that I greatly appieciate the confidence which they are good enough to place in me. and the value which they attach to my individual opinion. Speaking, then, unofficially, and as to old friends, I may say that I entirely sympathise with their desire to preserve the colony from the disastrous consequences which are Lkely to result from the resumption of parliamentary and party strife before the bitter passions excited by the war have had even a little time to» subside. It.is impossible for me to forget wbat happened two years ago, when heated paxliamentary. debates and a violent agitation throughout the country, following immediately ’ upon the suppression of the first rebellion, were in their turn followed by a second rebellion, more widespread, more protected, and more ruinous than the former one. With that experience in my. mind, I should sympathise with the petitioners even if the Cape Colony were alone -concerned. But other interests are involved. It would be idle to ignore the effect which a furious controversy in Cape Colony, turning exclusively upon the war—-its causes, its conduct, and its results^—wouW be certain to exercise in retarding the pacification of . other parts of Soutii Africa. ■ - 1

“ The petitioners make it quite clear that their de»ire for a respite from party strife implies no defection from the principle of ,J£esc®nsible Goyemment. Again j

tirely sympathise. . Loral independence is the essence .pf our Imperial system, and far from wishing' to’ depart from it in this country, we ali, I believe, hope .to see it extended,- in the, not distant ■ futurej to the whole of British South Africa. But; it may well -be that an interregnum of non* Parliamentary Government in. the. Cape Colony will, not prevent, , but- promote, return too ths normal working of the' constitutional system, and preserve that sys-' from the complete breakdown with which a repetition ■of ■ the events of the rammer and autumn of 1900 would undoubtedly'threaten it. As a matter of fact, an interregnum, of a. sort, already exists; For some time. pari; the - admin istrafon has, of necessity, been carried on without parliamentary authority. No sensible or loyal man will blame the present Government for that. On the contrary, they doseryothiegratitude, of the community for not having shrunk from the responsibility forced upon them by the clrctimsvances of the time, and for having, preferred to run a personal risk to plunging the country into auarchv.. In the resolution forming one of the enclosures to your letter the signatories to the petition, indicate a method by which the Government of the Colony might be earned on while parliamentary institutions remained in suspense. Without entering into-any discussionvof that proposal in detail, I. may say'that I do not see any reason why, under the system there indicated, the material interests of the Colony should not be thoroughly well looked after, progress- in necessary public works maintamed, and the personal liberties of lawabiding citizens • amply safeguarded. I think that snnh a system is much more I’kelv to. nuke for real freedom, for industrial and commShnar development, and for the appeasement of race hatred than is an immediate return to the old condition of things. I thtik that such a system will UcUitate the removal of the irksome rertnctions of martial law, while, if the country is to be agitated from end to end bv contested elections and all their mischievous ftccompaiuments, martial law may have to be maintained for a much longer, time. Lastly, I think that under such a system the chances of arriving, by mutual agreement, at satisfactory for the co-operation of the various South African colonies in matters of common interest would be greatly enhanced, and the way paved for their future union. It seems to me an idle fear that in the intercolonial discussions which must precede such co-operation and union Cape Colony would be in anv way prejudiced because its delegates did not derive their authority direct from the people. It does not follow that an interim Colonial- Government, because it was not based on popular election, would therefore not be representative. On the contrary, it would be the interest, as well a« the duty, of the Imperial Government to make it so just as it would be its interest and its duty to see fair: play between the various colonies in any federal arrangements.”

Dr Smartfc, who was a member of the Ministry, shares the views of the Progressives, and it was therefore natural after the Premier’s cart reception of the deputation that he should retire from the Ministry. This he did on May 29, his portfolio of Railways and Works being handed over to the Hon. Arthur Douglass. There was a further re-arrangement of portfolios, Sir Peter Pan re becoming Colonial Secretary vice Donglass, and the Hon. J. Frost {who represented the Cape Government at the opening of the Federal Parliament) becoming Minister of Agriculture. Smarit, who Was returned at the. last General Election unopposed and nnp'edged, m a telegram to his constituents, says‘'Owing to the strong views I hold in the scrf?ral interests of tJio future peace and settlement of South 4fricfi; on the necess ty of some form of suspension, or alteration of the Constitnt’on to tide ns over (in he best in teres te of the Empire and South Africa generally) the regrettable circumstances in which the colony finds itself paced owing to the war and*rebellion, and maintaining as I do that under no circumstances shoo'd the present Parliament meet agun, and that the . proper solution of the uroblem and the duty of tlie Government' ■vas to ask for advice and ?n : dance of Lord Milner and Mr Chamberlain through the liovemor. and to discuss with them what temporary chan-ms in our Constitution should be introduced to. carry South Africa through its present difficulties while saferear ding the varnr-s interests of the Cape Go.ony, and as the. Cabinet me on these questions, and as -it was imnossible for .me otherwise to advocate or place on record these views while retaining a seat in the Cab net, I felt constrained, as a matter of public dutv, to tender my resignation to the Prime Minister as a member of his Government.”

It was mentioned above that three ProTessivc members,had thought fit to change minds,; and to dissociate themselves from their •party. One of these, Mr Cartwright, M.L.A.,. is a prominent merchant of. Cape Town, and he may ;be said to voice the mercantile view of the crisis. “I fear,” he writes in the Cape ‘Argus,’ “ that the committee of government to he appointed will be a purely mechanical one, and there will be very serious stoppage of all progressive public.works, such, as Harbor and ra'lway development, and that generally : ommercial interests will suffer on that account. A Port Elizabeth member of Parliament told me to-day that, afier conferring with the leading men in Port Elizabeth, he had ascertained that, they all felt that it would result in very serious consequences in respect to hampering trade. . . .1 am afraid if the Constitution is suspended it will give the people another grievance which wall rankle in'their breasts, and it will only be a matter of the deferring of that grievance, and it is far better to have it out at once. Let us have free and open discussion, and if it is. sought > to prevent the proper conduct of public business, then it will be time to close the Legislature, to appeal to England for help, and to let England take direct control. . . . If, however, it is the wish of my constituents that the Constitution should be suspended, I shall fee! if,.my duty to agree to it, because I,am' there to represent their wishes. But it is 'a ‘(matter of the most vital importance ;.ii[ like signing away your reedom—andl I -vio'tft think a man is justified in doing that.' l Mr De Waal’s reason for breaking from his party was that Air Rhodes’s guiding genius was no longer with them, ana because.' be learned after signing. :he petition! that Lord Milner did not favor such an extreme step); Mr T.-A. Watson, presiderjt " v of ’the Cape Town Chamber of Commerce, who wa jfalso interviewed by the ‘Argus/'tybilg-declaring that the mercantile, community would..- not be averse to a tempornfydsuspensio.n ,bf the Constitution, thus expressed his/.brnd-opinion:— “There is a strong' ’feeling*. that if the Constitution is suspended the-? Government that will take its £laee will probably be quite a military one. Possibly, under these circumstances there may be very great difficulty in caiying out the'work of the Colony for the develop ment of the outlying districts. Judging from the way in which all trade is ci-mpletely under the control of the military, the mercantile community feel that in all probability the intemiptron of trade wou’d be very serious. Speaking generally, I think the mercantile community would be strongly averse to any government solely under the control of Downing street, but at the same time L think the feeling is that in order to make peace perfectly secure seme strong form of government should take the place of the present Parliamentary Government—that is to say, if there is to be a it should, as far as possible, not be a Military Government.” PREMIER SPRTOG ON THE SITUATION. On June 2 Sir .Gordon Sprigg addressed one of the largest as well as one of the noisiest meetings ever, held in the capital. We give that portion of his address in which he discussed the causes that had produced the existing political crisu A deliberate charge had been made against him in the Press, and circulated in various towns on the border; it has been published without any qualification whatever. What I have to say to. you is this : that it, is an absolute falsehood. There is not the slightest vestige of foundation for any such report. I have had no communication whatever with Mr Merriraan or Mr Sauer—(groans!—for a year and a-hal£. Prom that time to this, no communication of- any sort has pased between me and those two “gen-

tlemdn.” It has been said that I have beeen intriguing with the Bond.—(Laughter.} The Bona I know nothing whatrtat 6t except what an ontsider may know. I never was a,-, member of th© Afrikan(|er-Bond, and am never likely to be a. member of the Afrikander. Bond* No one connected with the Bond ever ventured for .a', moment to put the question to me whether I had any idea of joining the Bond. Wbrf Because they knew I have always stood firm as an upholder of British . Buprcipaoy in this colony.—(Loud cheers.) T anf .an English' man, bom and bred.—-(Loud .chews.) Gentlemen,- another charge deliberately mado against me-~I say it over and* over again—in the public is that- I. am opposed to the federation ofthsColonics and States of South Africa. Are there any gentlemen in. this room who can remember what took place in the year iB6O, during the period . of my first Administration? That was before Majuba. That! was when the Transvaal formed a part of the British Empire.. I brought forward then, in 1880, a proposal that there should be a conference of.the different Connies and States of Sourh Africa to endeavor to establish a confederation, so that we might all stand together under the British Crown. I fought that to the best of my ability in that; session of 1880, but I am sorry to, say I could not get sufficient support'to enable roe to carry the proposal. Many a man who posed then —as he poses now—as a Progressive, opposed me on that occasion, and the tesmt was that it fell through. Now~l put it to yon. in this way—it is not too much to say that if the proposal had been carried lhrongn we should not have had that Ttaasraal war which - broke out in 1880. Instead of Cle fighting against each other we should been sitting down in conference' and endeavoring to work out the best means for all being gathered in. One fold and under one shepherd. We should have had ncr Transvaal War, no Majuba, no retic cession, and we should have had no war at the present rime. ■ Wo are going to have a federation of the different States in South Africa, only we are very late—we ought to have had ft in 1880 instead of sfc the present time. Now We are coming to 1898—that is not far off. What I want to call your attention to is what occurred in 1898. You remember that mi election occurred in 1893, and that at the time of that election I went to the country. The position I then put before the country was that we were on the eve of a great crisis. The question to be faced was whether the Empire was to -bo maintained in South Africa, and that referred not only to'the outlying portions of the Empire, but to the Cape Colony as well I said that the question which had to be considered was whether the Cape Colony should remain a portion of the British Empire. Gentlemen, I was laughed to scorn; I was told that it was all a ritisfake, that nothing of the sort -was going to happen, and that ;t was impossible. If the people of the Colony had supported me as they ought to have done at that time there would have been no neutrality dr Bond Government coming in after that election. I did not obtain sufficient support at the poll, tire people wore sluggish, and allowed the Bond party to get the upper hand, the result be. ihg that I had to retire and the. Braid Government came into power. What occurred then? They went in, and we come to the year 1899. I still held the same opinionI never varied from it—that we were on the eve of a great trouble in South .Africa; that war was inevitable. I gave that Opinion to all those who were entitled to ask me my views upon the matter, whenever I was solicited to give my opinion. Well, we come to 1899. You remember it was in tkat year that, that insolent Tdtfxnatxnn was thrown in the face of the, British Government by the Transvaal Government, of that day. Well, what occurred then? Parliament was sitting in October, 1899, and 1 did not meet a single member ofthat House, dr anyone outside, but who said s “ There will be no war; it is all bounce.” I said: “ Gentlemen, I totally differ with you; yon are mistaken. These Northern States (they were not then colonies as at present)—-the Transvaal and the Orange Free State—have bean milking every preparation, and thev think that this is the time for them to move, because they have got the promise of ccnriderable support from people in the Cape who are prepared to go into rebellion to assist them in throwing off the British yoke, as it was called, and establish a great South African Republic. I could not find anyone to agree with me on that subject; in fact; it was stated on the very last day that there would never be a shot fired. Well, we know that there have been a number of shots fired. Then-, again, opinion was expressed that it would soon be over. It was. said : : “ There trill be one big fight, and -the Boers .beaten, and then they will give in”; and one gentleman, a member of the House, said to me; “ By the time Christmas comes we shall all be shaking hands to'ether, and*’laughing at ourselves for believing there would be a big war.” What I said at. the time was that there was going to bo a prolonged-war. and it would not be like a. war between European Powers, which might be over in a few months, but that it would .he .a war which would go on for a period; that so long as a few hundred men be kept together in this country, which had been constructed by Nature for guerrilla warfare, we.should have trouble. They did not agree with mo then, but they all recognise that now I am not prophesying after the event, and that is what I thought at the time. Well, a proposal has. been made to abrogate the Constition of this colony.—(Lond cheers.) The only way in which the proposal can be carried out is by Act of the Imperial Parliament. I know I have heard it stated by some people who have not studied these matters that it could be done by a stroke of the pen—by an Order-in-CounciL Well, I took leave to inform you that this is imp’osrib’e. The powers of the Imperial Parliament are unlimited. They could, by their act, sweep awav the Constitution of any self-governing colony in the Empire if they were determined to do so; but that was the rally way in which 'it could be done. It must be brought in by a Bill in all its stages; which Bill must pass through both Houses and receive the Royal assent. It then became law, and the Constitution was gone. But all that must be gone through B fore they got rid of the Constitution. Now, what is tha present position? Parliament ought to have been summoned, according to law, to meet on the 12th of last October. Everything was in order with regard to the Constitution up to that period; but because the law was infringed in that respect it did not cause the lapse of the Constitution. Even supposing we had met on the 12th of November, I do not think a single voice would have been raised with regard to the Constitution. Good reasons might have been given why Parliament should have met at the end of thirteen months,’ and the country would have accepted that. But I hold that it was cons:dered not desirable to meet on the Ist of October. When the Government were considering the question whether Parliament should meet in October, I entered into communication with Lord Kitchener, whom I informed that if Parliament were to meet it would be necessary, in order to have a complete Parliament, that certain vacancies which had occurred by death or resignation should be filled up. I also asked Lord Kitchener whether, as martial law prevailed and, of course, it was very desirable that there should not be sham elections but free elections—any interference would take place on the part of the Imperial military authorities during the progress of the election? The reply of Lord Kitchener was that he was not prepared to give me such a guarantee of immunity. Such, being the case,'! said to my co-leagues that it did not seem right to call together a’portion of the Parliament; that if we could not have the whole Parliameat we had better wait fall the conditions of the Colony had improved. I hold and think that it was in the interests of the Colony that it would be better to defer the meeting of Parliament till we could have a full Parkiment, which could only be attained provided we got free elections by the representatives of the people. That was the reason why Parliament did not meet at that time. THE NEW ORDER. II cannot tell you the exact terms .of tho peace. concluded with the burghers, nor what is proposed to be done in regard to the rebels of this colony.—{A Voice: “ Shoot 'em. ”) - Of course they trill be treated on a different, footing, and naturally. r In the one ease they were. belligererits,*and in the other case they were fighting against their pwu Sovereign, and consequently they gtood

yr v - ■ altogether on a different platforin, “ if they stand at all.” But supposing it all goes through, as we' all hope it will, and peace onco more prevails in South Africa, and supposing that in course of time, before the end of the year, things are so qniet in the Cape Colony that it will be possible to hold elections to fill up vacancies that had occurred.—-(Cries of “Yes” and “No.”) Surely you will let me put a hypothetical rase to understand the nature of the Constitution of this country, and he wanted to explain what it was.—(A Voice: “What price Lord Milner?” and “Come to the point.”)' Well, he was doing so, step by step. He did not do as many had done lately—lose their Leads, rashly commib themselves to a thing they did not understand. lam supposing, for instance, that members are to be elected to va<ancies, and that, consequent on that, Parliament ■were to meet. Then, Parliament having met, suppose that the Government submit their measures to the Legislature in the ordinary way. Whether there would be a majority or not, I have my own opinion on the subject. But suppose that the Government did nob get a majority, and that the Bond or the Opposition—(Cries of “ Rebels!”] —were too strong and defeated the Government measures. Now, it was said by a great number of people; “Very well, the result of that will be that a Bond Government will come into power.” That was the statement deliberately made, but that was absolutely incorrect. Nothing of that sort would occur. I will tell you what will take place, supposing such an event occurs.—(A Voice: “A deadlock.”) No, it will not be a deadlock. The Constitution provided for that, and prevented it. The result would be that Parliament would bo immediately prorogued, and Parliament then would be dissolved. The Constitution provided that in a case like that an appeal would bo made to the country to determine the question. How would that appeal he made? By the present law, a new registration of the people commenced in January next, and that registration would take four or five months to carry out. During that time, of course, there would be no Parliament whatever; it would have been dissolved. When the registration had been completed, then an appeal would be made, by way of election, to the people of the Colony. Now, they would remember that when that time had arrived, a very large number of the people who bad supported those who had been in rebellion would have been removed from the list of registered voters, and would have disappeared, the same as they had disappeared from the district of Wodehonso over 1,000 —so that when the next election took place m Wodehouse, instead of returning two supporters of the Bond, two supporters of British supremacy would be returned. The .same process was going on in Aiiwai North. Every day a number of rebel voters was being struck off the list. That process would go on in many districts of the Colony, and the result would be that they would reduce the rebel element by many thousands from the registered list of voters. In addition to that they would have put on a very large number of new voters. Now, where would they find those new voters? Principally in the towns. Above all, in the Cape Peninsula. Cape Town and the Peninsula at present returned nine members to Parliament. On a new register I am quite sure that we shall be entitled to return fifteen.—(Cheers.) As to other portions of the Colony, when the new registration takes place in the country, by reason of the operation of the law, the number of people who would have come on the register, had it not been for the action of the Government last session, would not be able to come on, because they would be prohibited by the law which disfranchised nten for five years, and prohibited men from coming on the register in that time who had rebelled. Shortly, the new registration would” be against the country, and in favor of the towns. They would have such a majority as would be able to carry whatever Registration Bill they liked. He could promise them that it would be a Bill that would secure British supremacy for ever.—(Cheers.) That is my forecast of what will happen if you maintain your Constitution, and do not allow it to be swept away as has been proposed.

LORD MTLMEK’S VIEWS. 1 went into this matter for two solid hours with the High Commissioner, when he came to Cape Town. When we met together at my house at Wynberg we discussed the matter in the most friendly manner. Lord Milner said: “There is no middle course. Either the Constitution must be altogether repealed and pure Crown Colony Government substituted or you must go on as you are. There is no middle course.”—(Cheers.) I said to Lord Milner; “I thank you for that. We clearly and distinctly understand the position. On this matter I stand on one side. I stand for the Constitution. You say (for the reasons which many of you are aware of) that it is desirable that it should be swept away—(cheers)—and that you should have a Crown colony system. Very well,” I said. “ Now, Lord Milner, I have been studying these matters all my life. I understand exactly what is your Crown Colony Government. It means that the whole power rests with the Governor.” He said: “Yes, of course it does.”—(A Voice: “Why not?”) Now, the point is •this: The proposal is that there should be a Governor, and that he be assisted by a Council. That Council may have legislative as well as administrative powers. Yes, he assented to that. Now, the position is this: Under such a form of government the Governor nominates his Council. Of course, he nominates people who are likely to agree with the policy he ■wishes to pursue. If they do not he removes them and brings in somebody else.— (A Voice: “We’ll trust the Govcrner.”) That proposition is to go back to the position ef fifty years ago.—(“ No.”) Yes; it is to go back to the time before Parliamentary Government was established. I am going to go into the whole question with Mr Chamberlain and Lord Salisbury and the rest of the Government when I get Home, and put the case ‘fully before them. The proposal for suspension, or whatever you like to call it—the interference with the Constitution of the Colonydoes not emanate from His Majesty’s Government. ' This is absolutely certain. — (Voices; “Why should it?” and applause.) Some of you, I believe, are under the impression that it came from them. —(Voices: “No* from the people.”) I know, from certain remarks which have been convoyed to me, that some people are laboring under that impression. I ■wish to remove that altogether. Then, I have sufficient evidence in my pwa possession to say that it is the very last thing His Majesty’s Government desires, and I can well understand that. What you have got to look at is this: that a large number of people advocating suspension are against free constitutional govern mact on principle. —(Cries of “No.”) Yes; they have told me so myself. What do you say to that? They say; “ No, we do not like it.” I can give you names by the score; I can give you names by hundreds. There are a number of men in this country who are opposed on principle to having Representative Government in this colony. FEEE SPEECH. Now, it is said that you must not have any meeting of Parliament or any political meetings. There must be no expresaion of public feeling. You want to nave a time of quiet, when no one shall be able to attempt to stir np political agitation. I do not believe that. It is a very perilous position. You arc not going to promote peace and reconciliation fcy withdrawing the right of free speech from the people. Yon may have racial feeling; yon may have a continuance of bitterness in the minds of men. Do yon think, if you say to a man “I will clap you in gaol if you give expression to your feelings,” that you axe promoting peace and tron? But it goes further than that. There are a number of people here who have not been in active rebellion, but whose sympathies have been with the Transvaal and the late Orange Free State. Are you going to soothe and calm those people, and bring them back to a recognition of the. advantages of a government like that? No, v o q not going to do anything of the ’sort. Ton are going to excite a feeling of sullen discontent in Die minds of many people who are loyal entirely. I have had it from men Tio hare been fighting in the field, men

who have rendered yeoman service to the Colony and to the British', power .in'. South t -ifh aad who have ridted their lives. 7 you the way in wbithit was put to me by one of these. men,, who is thorongnly imbued with the Imperial instincts* wto.n-aa Englishman all the way through* an .j was communicated to. him he said; What*” he said, “ have I been fighting for- the last year and a-balf, and have e free constitution of this' country taken been fighting for freedom.” (oneers.) And if this free constffcution teat we have, by means of which every man can give expression to his own views u this is taken away, this will be a country to leave. Men -who have bean fighting for the last two yean say they will never support it, and if there is anything that will tend to bring about a rebellion of a different character it is ibis proposal to take away the right of free speech on the part of the people of the Colony, Gentlemen, these are the last words that I will utter. Do not for a moment suppose that I am going to. falter m the position that I have taken up. I stand as the representative and guarantee of freedom in this country.—(Loud and prolonged cheers.) As my sons, as the sons of my colleagues, as the sons of many a loyal man have fought in the field, I am prepared to fight in the forum for the free representative institutions of this country. (Loud cheers.) Do you take me to be a craven-hearted coward, afraid "to stand up in the House of Assembly for the free government of this country, because it may be half a dozen men will get up there and make wild speeches, and endeavor to subvert British authority? No; I meet them there as my friends have met them in the field v We will fight it out there and beat them there, as we have beaten them m the field, —(Great cheering.)