SIR ROBERT STOUT ON COMMERCE.

Evening Star, Issue 8715, 6 January 1892, Page 1

SIR ROBERT STOUT ON COMMERCE.

Although Sir Robert Stout is not a member of the Legislature, he is very much in evidence as a political force, and there are good reasons for believing that his opinions have a very direct influence in the Cabinet. Under these circumstances his utterances, when he touches upon the questions of the day, are significant, and may be regarded as indicating the direction in which the wind is likely to blow in matters of policy. Sir Robert has already done good service during the recess in feeling the public pulse. Speaking without responsibility, and in no respect compromising the Government, he has declared opinions which may or may not be taken up, accordingly as they have met with acceptance or otherwise. We may hope that Ministers are by this time satisfied that the nationalisation of the land and the revolutionary changes proposed in the Constitution by the abolition of the Legislative Council, and the withdrawal from the Crown of the power of appointing the Governor, do not commend themselves to popular opinion, although they may be planks in the platform of the “ three tailors of Tooley street,” who have arrogated to themselves the title of “the National Liberal Association ” ! On December 30 Sir Robert was present at the annual dinner of the New Zealand Commercial Travellers and W arehousemen’s Association; and, being present, it is hardly necessary to say, delivered an oration. Like the commercial gentlemen whose health he proposed, he never loses an opportunity of doing business j and he seized the occasion to dilate, with an eye evidently to political conditions, upon the commercial position of the Colony. The speech was certainly in marked contrast to the address on “ Liberalism,” earlier in the month, which fell so flat in the half-empty theatre, and was hardly appreciated by the audience, whipped up at the eleventh hour to prevent a complete fiasco. It is, of course, well known that in the sciences, as well as in the liberal arts, Sir Robert is entirely at home ; that he is an adept in all the ologies, and deep in the mysteries of theosophy ; but no one, we think, ever gave him credit for practical knowledge of commerce and commercial life, any more than of the conditions of agricultural industry, respecting which his ignorance has ever been so patent. He came out, therefore, at the banquet in quite a new r6le, and, as an amateur if we may so express it—acquitted himself creditably. It is characteristic of Sir Robert that be trusts rather to the evolutions of his inner consciousness for building up his ideas than to experience and fact; with a result sometimes very much akin to the “ camel ” which the celebrated German professor evolved by the same process, and which failed, in his description, to represent anything in Nature. We could not say that he did, in this instance, display an altogether imperfect conception of his subject, but he did not make himself very clear on certain points—for example, when he dwelt on the desirability of developing “internal commerce.” We always understood that the ordinary signification of “commerce” was the carryingonof tradewith other nations. Sir Robert, however, said “that no country could become “ great which had not a large internal “ commerce and large internal indus- “ tries; and the only way to get in- “ ternal commerce was to increase the “number of our population and the “ number of our small settlers.” It is certainly satisfactory to find the apostle of the new Liberalism advocating, as he here unmistakeably does, the resumption of immigration, and realising that there can be no sound prosperity in New Zealand whilst the population remains stagnant. He takes, however, it may be noted, the extreme Protectionist views, and would have the Colony self-contained internal industries ” supplying the requirements of, and being supported by, the enlarged population. Inconsistently enough, however—although, presumably, he would close our ports to imports from abroad — he declares that our producers and manufacturers must “look to the “ markets of the world—not merely to “ the markets near them.” If the commerce of New Zealand is destroyed by high tariffs, how does Sir Robert propose to carry on an export trade, and how does he conceive that the articles exported can be paid fori Economics, however, have always been beyond his range. Yet we regard as of material importance the expression of his conviction that “what they wanted was people to sell goods to.” The manufacture of ready-made special settlers out of town proletariats will not, he sees, provide what is required an augmentation, and a large augmentation, of the number of consumers. The special settlement scheme, as it is being worked, will really do little even towards extending the field of production ; and it is manifestly not desired by the present Ministry that it should attract immigrants of the rural classes from the Home Country. The farm homestead associations, under the regulations of Mr John M'Kenzie, it is true, are offered special privileges—the choice of all the available Crown lands, so as to pick the eyes out o£ the country } but I it is a sine qud non that the members of such associations, in order to gain these privileges, must be of the “ right color” politically; and the whole I system, as a matter of fact, is political

in conception and operation. The original idea of special settlements, which was entertained, by the late Mr Macandrew, Mr Rollebton, Mr Donald Reid, and others in 1877, was distinctly to induce immigration of the right sort; but under the existing regime this method of disposal of the land is used for the purposes of rewarding political service, of creating partisan settlement, and forwarding, it may be, the project of land nationalisation. Sir Robert was quite right in affirming that there was need of stirring up the dry bones of “commercial enterprise.” He believed, he said, that “none of them “in New Zealand had half enough “ hope. What was needed was energy, “ enterprise, and hope. They ought to “ have hope in themselves; and they “ ought hot to listen to the talk that “ was too freely indulged in—that this “ and that were wrong, and that this “and that were going to the deuce. “ They must look at the bright side of “ things. In New Zealand they had “ the best country in the world for its “size, they had the best climate in “the world, they had a produc- “ tire country, and they had an “ enterprising people ; but they needed “hope and faith.” We agree entirely in this ; but we may ask Sir Robert how it is that, in the face of so great natural advantages—which he has by no means exaggerated—enterprise and speculation have been to all intents dead during the past twelve months, whilst a general want of confidence has prevailed. Has the declared policy of the Government had nothing to do with bringing about this unsatisfactory state of things 1 Have his own theoretical fantasies, social and political, as well as those of individual Ministers, had no influence in the same direction 1 It is somewhat absurd to preach “ hope and faith,” whilst shutting up the avenues to both. The resources of New Zealand are happily so various and so great, the spirit of the races from which her people have sprung so indomitable, that the evil effects of the worst possible administration can be but temporary. We may all with good reason hope for better things; and we believe, even now, the dawn of a brighter era is not far off. Sir Robert Stout has undoubtedly power and influence. Let him use them to better purposes than of late, and he may do much to restore that confidence the absence of which he very properly deplores. His speech, we are willing to admit, was quite in the right direction. Is it possible that an awakening of political conscience is indicated 1 We sincerely hope so.