NOTES.

Evening Star, Issue 7497, 16 April 1888, Page 2

NOTES.

There has been a great deal of bunkum written and talked in regard Another Side f- 0 action of the Bruce question. County Council in imposing what is practically a prohibitory toll on the cartage of by the road between Kaitangata and Stirling. The road is not constructed for such heavy traffic, and the expense of maintenance, were such traffic continued and increased, as it might be, would be a serious drain on the resources of the county available for such purposes. The County Council might reasonably consider that no hardship was inflicted, since the Kaitangata Company’s railway is open at what appears to be a reasonable charge per ton to the Castlehill Company, and other raisers of coal, if any. It is absurd to attempt to make out that the County Council have given way to underhand influence in this matter, and to represent the secretary of the Kaitangata Company as a sort of Machiavelli, who has secretly worked the Council up to impose the high toll with the express purpose of discomfiting a business rival. The traffic of a colliery, which might increase indefinitely, upon a country road, laid probably with only a few inches of metal, would be a very serious matter, involving a constant state of disrepair and altogether new formation at intervals. The Council had a perfect right to protect the interests of the ratepayers and keep the road in a proper condition for ordinary traffic. This is the solo object of imposing the toll; and we question whether any amount which would not be prohibitory would secure this object. Anyone who knows what a country road is in winter can understand how it would be cut up by the continual passage of loaded coal waggons.

The Premier was rather too much for the Christchurch “ Knights of Catcliim? L a bor,” and must have covered Tartar. t,ie voluble deputationists who lectured him on political economy “with confusion as with a cloak.” It would appear that they altogether deprecated borrowing, whilst at the same time advocating a large scheme of public works and the establishment of a State bank—that exploded fallacy of superficial economists. In respect to employment, they maintained that it was the duty of the General Government to find work for everybody close to their homes at the highest current rate of wages—one of the deputation mentioned 10s a day. As to where the money was to come from they were discreetly silent, nor do they appear to have considered the effect on the general labor market. Sir Harry Atkinson was exceedingly happy in his replies, expressing _ himself with great moderation, and with due respect to the “invincible ignorance” (as the theologians would term their state of mind) of the delegates. He pointed out that the people must depend upon them-selves-must look to themselves more than they did—and that it was hopeless to expect that material amelioration of the existing state of things could be effected by legislation, or by the action of the General Government, With regard to the unemployed, the administration of charitable aid and the starting of relief works rested, he said, with the local bodies, who, if they could not meet the legitimate demand, would be assisted, as they had been before, out of colonial funds. He declined absolutely to undertake that relief works should be provided close to Christchurch. Roadmaking into the interior was the only class of work which, with this object, the Government could possibly put in hand. The Knights of Labor evidently have ideas quite in unison with their somewhat ambitious title. One of the objects of their association, they told the Premier, was “ to secure to the toilers a proper share of the wealth which they create ; more of the leisure that properly belongs to them; more society advantages; more of the benefits, privileges, and emoluments of the world—in a word, all those rights and privileges necessary to make them capable of enjoying, appreciating, and defending the blessings of good government.” Sir Harry expressed his admiration of the verbiage, but thought the meaning, in the absence of definition of terms used, somewhat ha/y. Who are “ the toilers,” for instance, and what would be “ a proper share ” ?

Popular delusions notoriously have a long life, but it is somewhat strange An Interest- that in this age of enlighten'"porso'lil* nient “ kleptomania” should be seriously put forward in Court as an excuse for systematic dishonesty. We quite approve of the dictum of the English Judge who remarked, on this plea being put forward by the prisoner in a case of larceny; “ A filleted with kleptomania are you ? Well, that is just what lam sent here to cure !—eighteen months’ hard labor ! ” The young woman, with the romantic name Amy Maud Bock, who was before the Police Court this week, is evidently an accomplished practitioner, and as a perverter of the truth we shall say supereminent. When she comes out of gaol, however, she had bettor take her accomplishment elsewhere. Kleptomania will hardly go down among hard-headed Scotchmen.

Except as adding to the voting power of the Gladstonian Liberals, we do v siL-iiifli-iiil not regard the latest secessions Sign. * from the ranks of the LiberalUnionists asof much importance. Sir T. F. Grove, Bart., member for South Wiltshire, was not accepted by any of the parties at the general election, and was playing such a supremely lone hand that he even discussed with himself the propriety of effacing himself politically. But Mr Benjamin Hingley, who was returned unopposed for North Worcestershire, was one of the Liberals who abstained from voting with Mr Gladstone when he brought down his famous Homo Rule Bill, and always voted with Lord Hartington afterwards. What, however, the Home Rulers may regard as a sign that the working classes of England are gradually coming round to them is the conversion of the London ‘ Weekly Despatch’ under circumstances almost unique in contemporary journalism. It is unquestionably one of the most Radical papers in the kingdom ; it exerts immense influence over the working men of the metropolis, and it lias always been ably edited, the articles over the signature of “Pullicola” on political and social questions having enjoyed considerable distinction. For some time its columns have been filled with letters complaining of its support of Liberal Unionism, and with the object of testing their value the proprietor organised a plebiscit.e of his readers and subscribers, inviting each of them to send in on a post-card his wish as to whether the paper should continue to support the coercion policy of the Government or should advocate Home Rule. The result was a large majority in favor of Home Rule, and Mr Fox Bourne vacated the editorial chair. With Mr O’Connor, M.P., controlling the ‘ Star ’ and Dr Hunter directing the ‘ Despatch,’ the Irish cause has the assistance of two powerful pens, the influence of which must be appreciably felt, even iu the very hotbed of Toryism.

The law courts of Victoria have begun an important inquiry—viz., what ProlHs oft he amount of compensation is Trade. justly due to those publicans whose licenses have just been determined by the vote of the people ? In the fispt instance, the fines and recoveries under the Licensing Act create the fund which will provide the publicans’ solatium, but it has been predicted by the opponents of local option that this will be wholly inadequate, and that recourse must be had to an excise duty on beer, which will have the effect of driving the working men over to the side of the publican. But if the other courts follow the lead of Maryborough, the problem may be much easier to solve than even the local optionists themselves believed. A number of claims were rejected for non-compliance with the Act; but in respect to seven, who applied both as owners and occupiers, the Court regarded most of them as preposterous, and, after taking evidence, reduced the totals from Li 1,980 to L 253. The awards, as may; be imagined, gave great dissatisfaction,! and notice of appeal was given. In' the course of the investigation it was' elicited from one witness that he purchased) beer wholesale at 2s lOd per gallon and; retailed it at 8s; that brandy cost him LIJ 2s per gallon and his return by retailing 1 it; was L2 10s per gallon. And at Fitzroy,;

where two publicans were heavily fined for selling, in one instance a “ colonial spirit of very bad quality ” and 27.5 under proof, found in a De Kuyper’s Geneva bottle, and in the other stuff in which there was not “ a particle of brandy,” but was a “colonial grain spirit 60.7 under proof,” which had been put in a Hennessy bottle testimony was given by the Senior Inspector of Distilleries that “ the profit on the sale of even genuine liquors was 125 per cent., but the grasping propensities of vendors were such that, in order to make a larger profit, they sell abominable stuff, having first placed it in bottles bearing the trade mark of respectable manufacturers.” Who believes that similar practices are unknown here ?

Mr B. C. Molloy, an Irish member of the House of Commons, a devoted „ .., . follower of Mr Parnell, and, it ’ oun * T e need hardly be added, an en-

thusiastic "admirer of Mr Gladstone, is now in Auckland, where he was recently interviewed in reference to Imperial politics. A landlord himself, he has sense enough to rightly interpret the signs of the times. He admits that his class have refused to acknowledge that the decrease in the value of land at Home has affected both the buyer and seller to the extent of fully 50 per cent., and that it is hopeless to anticipate a return of high rentals; for such will never rule again. “Whatever may be the produce of land in the United Kingdom,” he says, “it can only be produced by us at a certain price; and mutton sent from your colony, beef from America, the Argentine Confederation, and other countries, and corn from India and Russia, are supplied in the Home markets at prices so low that the sale for Home produce never reaches the cost of production, At the present moment flour from San Francisco, 6,000 miles away, is being sold in Dublin at a smaller amount than flour produced within twenty miles of that city. The Chancery Courts are constantly receiving applications from trustees to take money out of land investments and put it in other ventures, such as railway and colonial securities.” On the subject of Protection, the hon. gentleman speaks with no uncertain sound. He said : “So far as I have been able to judge, however useful it might have been in the first days of incipient manufacturing enterprises in the colonies, it is now absolutely injurious ; and, after discussing the matter with various members of Government in Australia, I am forced to the belief that it is not for the purpose of protecting colonial manufactures, but simply with the object of increasing the revenue, or, in other words, with a view of indirectly taxing the people. Protection has been advocated at Home, but Lord Salisbury has declared within the last year that no Administration would be found so infatuated as to propose such a measure to Parliament. The doctrine is thoroughly understood at Home that the right of tiie people is to buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest market; and any attempt toQincrease by protective tariffs the cost of commodities is looked upon as an infringement of that right, and as a dodge to more heavily tax the industrial classes.”

It is perhaps not generally known here that the new Duke of Rutland is no other than the veteran JjOHl JOllll *■ . « » « | m | Manners, politician who has for so long been known to the world as Lord John Manners—the doyen of Lord Salisbury’s Cabinet, the last prominent survivor of the once famous Young England party, and the perpetrator of the most notorious couplet of the 19th century— Let art and commerce, laws and learning, die, But leave us stiH our Old Nobility. Lord John grew a little wiser with the years—wise enough, at all events, to abandon poetry (!) as a medium for the communication of his political ideas—but he has always been a strenuous, even fiery, reactionist, and was one of the last to give in to the inevitable in the matter of the extension of the franchise to the agricultural laborer. He is brother of the late duke, who died childless ; but he himself has a son in whose person is now revived the once famous title of Marquis of Granby, which (to borrow a phrase from Mr Weller, senior—himself of Marquis o’ Granby renown) has for many years lain “ dormouse.” It is the courtesy title of the eldest son of the Duke of Rutland, and the young gentleman who now bears it, and who has just been elected for his father’s old seat, is private secretary to Lord Salisbury.

Mr Gladstone has been addressing the National Liberal Club, and Tory Bounce expressing “ great pleasure at Again. the strength and condition of the National party in Ireland.” Mr Balfour has been speaking at a banquet, and expressing his opinion “ that the Glad-stone-Parnell alliance was dissolving.” It is not the first nor the second time that the Irish Secretary has given utterance to this thought, which has the wish for its parent, but the “indications” which he says point to the fact never seem to be very apparent. The Irish-Liberal alliance is at least as strong, if not much stronger, than the Tory-Unionist one. It is unbroken in the House, and, if by-elections are any criterion, is gaining ground rapidly in the country. “ Things are what they are, and will be what they will be ; why then should we wish to be deceived ?" Mr Balfour has been playing a hopeless game from the first, as all must who in these days set themselves to fight tooth-and-nail against the people’s cause. He has proved himself to be a very able man—perhaps as able as his old leader in the Fourth party, Lord Randolph—but his qualifications for ruling Ireland at the present time are a large minus quantity. It reminds one of Oliver Goldsmith going to Holland to teach English—forgetting allthe time that he knew no Dutch,