THE POLITICAL SITUATION.

Evening Star, Issue 7475, 20 March 1888, Page 1

THE POLITICAL SITUATION.

Thu parliamentary recess is, as a matter of custom, taken advantage of by the representatives of the people to place themselves in confidence with their constituents and discuss with them vital questions which may be within the scope of practical politics. It is not by any means desirab' that members of the House should be, in any signification of the word, mere delegates; their constitutional position does not, indeed, admit of this, but it is proper and fitting that from time to time they should meet the electors face to face, give an account of their stewardship, and declare their opinions. It is now three months since Parliament was prorogued, and the next session may be expected to open in about six weeks; but as yet, with one single exception, the representatives of Otago electorates have kept silence, and to our knowledge have not intimated their intention of speaking out—explaining what they have done and the general course they intend to pursue. Surely there has been plenty of time to recover from the fatigue of last session and to make up their minds as to the main principles of the Ministerial policy. Especially is it, we venture to think, incumbent on those who sit in the House for the first time to show their mettle, and justify, if this be possible, their election. The fact of this very general holding back, unprecedented though it is, may possibly adnjit of explanation. We can conceive that the members who acted with the Opposition last session, and followed the leader who has quietly left them in the lurch, are rather nonplussed as to what they are to say. The country is so unmistakeably with Ministers in their policy of retrenchment that they dare not attack that; whilst, since they do not know how the cat is going to jump as to the Tariff, they rather shrink from committing themselves on the question. In the face of what is now patent as to his administration, they can hardly extol the late Minister for Lands and Native Affairs to the depreciation of his successors; and, altogether, it is sufficiently apparent they are in a pretty considerable fix. The Otago .members who supported the Government may be divided into two sections—one consisting of those who loyally hold to their policy and have entire confidence in their conduct of affairs; and the other, numerically much smaller, including, however, men of some weight, who, notoriously for obvious reasons being dissatisfied with the personal constitutution of the Cabinet, would not be sorry to see it broken up and a new turn of the wheel taken. It is not quite certain whether the honorable gentlemen we refer to will show their colors before Parliament meets: at present they do not feel assured how the land lies, or how the absence of Sir Julius Vogel may affect the balance of parties. It is an undoubted fact, however, that they are, as it were, taking soundings, and are quite prepared to throw over Sir Harry Atkinson on the chances of how the ensuing political chaos might evolve. Otago rejoices in no less* than three' members in the Ministry, and of course it is not reasonably to be expected that either of them should deliver himself in public until the proposals for the ensuing session are definitely settled in Cabinet, and only then should these proposals be of a character which would not be imperilled by precipitate disclosure. Opposition members are possibly playing a waiting game in the not unreasonable expectation that Sir Harry Atkinson will give them something to talk about; some peg on which to hang the platform diatribes with which they are wont to tickle the ears of the multitude. As to the traitors in the camp—we may so designate them without offence, leaving their names to be disclosed by their deeds—it is questionable, as we said above, whether they will break cover before the session; but we may venture to indicate the ostensible grounds on which they may be expected to justify a change of front. Sir Harry Atkinson, in their eyes—so at least they in effect even now openly allege—is tarred very much with the same brush as Sir Julius Vogel, being rather indeed a bad copy of that eminent original, given over to loans and fond financial imaginings based thereupon. These economic reformers affect to advocate that the finance of the Treasurer is to be condemned, in that it includes further borrowing; but they do not commit themselves to the explanation of how this could, under all the circumstances, possibly be avoided. They will be prepared to do this no doubt in good time should they ever chance to obtain office. It may have been noted that certain of our contemporaries, ostensibly Ministerial, haveharped very much on this string during the last few months, but have failed to advance any reasonable hypothesis of an alternative course which would be both prudent and practicable. The Government, with very great reluctance, felt themselves constrained to ask Parliament to authorise another, loan, and the Treasurer in the Financial Statement set forth in the most comprehensive manner the reasons which induced their decision. When they came into office they found that the account in the Public Works fund, which contains the balances of the loans raised prior to 1886, was practically exhausted with outstanding liabilities to a considerable amount In the

account of the loans subsequently authorised and negotiated the funds for several important works were also exhausted; and without supplementing this account it was found to be impossible to continue either the Manawatu Gorge line or the Otago Central, even up to MidcYlewaVch, which is the least distance to which it must be carried to be of «my use whatever. The Treasurer put it fairly to the House that three courses were open—either to stop the works, to divert the Unexpended balance of the North Island Main Trunk Railway loan to continue them, or to raise another loan. The diversion course was clearly not practicable, since it would have been necessary, in face of the strenuous opposition of the united North, to have repealed the North Island Main Trunk Railway Loan Act. With regard to the first course, the opinion of the Government was declared to be that "all works, the " stopping of which will not materially " retard the progress of the country, "should be stopped; mere present "inconvenience must not be con- " sidered ; but to go further than this " would, they think, be a very unwise " and short-sighted policy.'' The adoption of this course could, therefore, not be recommended. The third course, that of raising a new loan, was considered to be far the most prudent; and in this Parliament concurred, and the necessary authority was given, or, if it be that there is a fatal flaw in the Loan Act, was intended to be given. It would seem to be altogether unreasonable to now challenge the financial policy on a point upon which the whole Public Works proposals depend—proposals which are in the way of being carried into effect. The mischief, however, is brewing; of that there is no manner of doubt.