NOTES.

Evening Star, Issue 7432, 30 January 1888, Page 1

NOTES.

Qua Wellington contemporaries are good at discovering any screw loose in a** Government machinery. It Hare’s Nest, is not often, however, that such a chance occurs as the clerical error in the Loan Act of last session, which may or may not, for this is by no means certain, preclude the million loan authorised by that statute being floated on the London market. It certainly does seem an inexens able piece of stupidity that the words “ subject to the proviso to this clause ” should have been substituted for “subject to the provisions of this Act,” but the mistake is sO patent that we hardly think it could be ruled to upset the purpose of the Act. There is, however, as the Attorney-General points out, nothing to affect the placing of the North Island Main Trunk Railway Loan on the market at once; whilst the million loan, should any of the money be required before next session, when the Act can be amended, could either be raised in the Colony, or the proceeds anticipated, as has been frequently dond in respect to former loans. As to floating the loan in the Colony, there is much to be send for and against; we are not prepared to decide off-hand a somewhat complicated economic question. That the money would be immediately forthcoming there is no manner of doubt, and further, that the debentures would go off at par.

An American paper, in a recent issue, pnbAmeriean lishea letters from eighty memLcglslators hers of Congress in reply to the on the following questions: —(l)_ Do Tariff. y OU f avor revenue reductions. (2) I! so, whether by cutting down' ‘the Tariff or internal revenue taxes ? (3) If the Tariff, on what class of import should it be reduced ? Nearly all the answers admitted the necessity of revenue reductions by from 50 to 100 millions of dollars, but there was a great diversity as to how this should be effected. The Democratic revenue reformers urge the remission or reduction of the duties on all articles that can be classed as necessaries of life, and generally favor the retention of internal revenue tariffs except on tobacco. The Republicans and Protectionist Democrats insist upon the retention of the Tariff except as regards sugar, and advocate the abolition of nearly all internal revenue taxation, the most important exception being whisky. The ultraProteetionists would entirely repeal the sugar duty, and give bounties to sugargrowers. There is a general expression of opinion among Republicans and some Western Democrats in favor of enlarged expenditure for coast defences, the Navy, and river and harbor improvements. Extension of the postal telegraph system is also advocated. If these answers are to be taken as typical, there does not seem much chance of any very liberal Tariff reforms; but we still hope for the best, and are strengthened in this by the apparent confidence of President Cleveland that he will be able to carry his policy. The latest cablegram, it may be noted, states that it will be proposed to exempt ores, coarse wools, dyes, chemicals, timber, and salt, and to “readjust, without materially changing the wool duties.”

The Government were very fortunate in obtaining the services of Sir The Postal William Fitzherbert to repreConfercncc. se nt the Colony at the Postal Conference. Sir William combines in a marked degree the qualities essential to the position, together with quiet dignity of demeanor, which naturally gives him weight. So far as the proceedings nave advanced, the Conference appears to have moved on right lines, and been thoroughly practical in their resolutions. There is little doubt but that cable communication via Vancouvers is a matter of very essential importance both to England and Australasia, and the sooner it is initiated the better. The first step, of course, is that the proposed route should be surveyed, so that there may be accurate data as to the possible expenditure. The reduction of the present cable charges is another very serious question which engaged the attention of the Conference. At present the rate is practically prohibitive, and a considerable accession of business is certain if this were reasonably modified. Sir William was able to assure the Conference that New Zealand was ready to co-operate with ,tbe Australian colonies in all national matters. This is, no doubt, the case, the general ferning being that our interests are in the main identical, and that in the not very distant future our association must in the nature of things become more intimate. It would bn well if the colonies could be brought to realise how impolitic it is, in the general interests of the Australasian people, to enforce hostile tariffs one against the other, thus restraining the development of natural resources, shackling trade, and Imposing,unnecessary burdens of indirect taxation.

The Public Bodies’ Powers Act, 1887, provides that a “ leasing What Might authority ” —a term which inbo Expected, eludes the council of a borough or county—may accept the surrender of any lease on such terms as it may think fit, and at any time during the currency, or on the surrender of a lease, compromise with Or make allowances to the tenant for any rent due ; and may also, in case of the continuance of the lease, reduce the amount of rent to be thereafter paid. The Act, however, does not apply to any leasing authority, unless the Governor-in-Council declares such authority to be subject thereto, or any section or sections of the same. There is a further proviso that no such Order in-Council shall have any effect, “ unless it be issued at the request or upon the recommendation of the leasing authority on whose behalf such order xs issued.” An application came before the City Council at their last meeting to bring Dunedin under the Act, with a view to the equitable adjustment of certain rents of Corporation leases. We apprehend that if the Council commit themselves to the action required, there would be a general roll-up of the leaseholders, with possibly a serious diminution of the City revenues. The question is a very serious one, which should not be decided except after due deliberation and calculation of consequences. The powers granted under the Act, we are inclined to think, are far too general, and there is literally no guarantee against gross abuse, which local experience teaches is in snob matters not impossible. It would be abso< lutely necessary, should the Act be brought into force, that satisfactory provision should be made for settling the amount of rent to be paid in all cases where an application foe reduction is entertained. It would never do that this should be fought over either in the Council or the Finance Committee.

It is not at all surprising that the Otago manufacturers should not care

~, _ , to trouble themselves in the Cul Bono. matter 0 f t j, e Melbourne Cen*

tennial Exhibition. The fiscal policy of Victoria practically excludes New Zealand products and manufactures. What, then, is the use of exhibiting these, except as a mere advertisement of the Colony for the information of strangers who might be present ? The attempt to ascribe the utter absence of any interest whatever in the representation of Otago at the ExLibition to the smallness of the sum proposed by the Commissioners to be allocated for purely preliminary expenses of a Ir cal committee, was altogether preposterous. The present Government seem to be to certain persons

Hike a red rag to a bull; but the rush on this occasion was conspicuously a failure, 'since there was evidently no connection whatever between the proffered grant of L2i and the altogether insignificant attendance at the meeting on Thursday evening. The amount, moreover, is quite sufficient for all reasonable advertising and clerical expenses connected with simply initiating the business, Any man of ordinary common sense should know that the L 3,000 voted by Parliament is required mainly to meet the wst of fitting up the New Zealand court in the Exhibition building and the expenses of any special Commissioners who may be sent •over to Melbourne, and not by any means with the object of providing local committees with funds to fritter away. Mr Joel really hit the nail on the head when he expressed the opinion that “ the true reason so little interest was taken in the matter was that the protective duties of Victoria prevented New Zealand manufacturers finding a market there, and consequently there was no inducement to manufacturers here to exhibit in Melbourne. This Was one of the effects of the unwise and selfish policy of Protection.”

The New Zealand Press may be congratu lated on having brought about Other Heads by repeated protest and exof the Hfdra. posure many wholesome economies. The Legislative expenditure has been, figuratively speaking, scotched, and the petty expenses of administration, which amount to so much ia the aggregate, have been materially cut down. Ministers are now engaged in checking the flow of public money \ but there are still many directions in which leakage, so to speak, is going on, which it is out of their power to stop. Very considerable amounts are annually drawn under the pretext of travelling allowances by membersof Education Boards, School Commissioners, and various other local bodies, public or quasipublic. Practically the money comes directly or indirectly out of the pockets of the people, from whatever source it may immediately be paid. The publication of some of the Otago Education Board vouchers would be very instructive, as demonstrating the system which is going on, and possibly might have some influence oven with upcountry school committees in the present Board elections. The hydra of extravagance has other heads besides those distinctly labelled “General Government.”

The Salisbury Government must surely be up to some mischief when the e Chancellor of the Exchequer nsp e s. g n< j 8 j(. necessar y publicly to deny that there Is any intention of proposing the re-enactment of the Com Laws. It is notorious that certain leading members of tho Cabinet are Protectionists at heart, and reasonably enough, being closely connected with the agricultural interest, they are credited with the desire to reinstate the prosperity of the farmers by the imposition of duties on cereals. We, however, question much whether the present or any possible English Ministry would have tne audacity to move in this direction. The agricultural depression is much to be deplored, but will remedy itself in time by the more equitable adjustment of rents and happily more propitious seasons. It Would be absolute madness to tax the food of the people, and possibly lead to a total subversal of social order.

The 1 Tuapeka Times’ waxes extremely wroth over our harmless Note n wefi k' an( l indignantly District, resents the delicate impeachment that Tuapeka has been exceptionally fortunate in obtaining appropriations for local requirements. There is certainly a very general impression to that effect, based on public records, but the assurance may be accepted that, having got all it is likely to get, the district now goes in for stringent economy, especially in respect to other localities. The notorious Lawrence sludge ■ channel is not, it is satisfactory to know, to swallow any more of the taxpayers’ hard cash ; nor arc any more prospecting shafts to bo sunk in politically correct centres ; no more waterraces for problematical water supply are to be constructed, and the imputation is scorned that the influence of Tuapeka is to be exerted in favor of tho projected tramline to the Teviot. We hope the enthusiasm for retrenchment is pot the evanescent enthusiasm of tho convert.

Tub delivery of any novel remarks upon the subject of Robert Burns might r W ®l k® taken anywhere as a “ Bubble.” clear proof of original power in the speaker. This is doubly so In a place like Dunedin, where year after year the anthem of praise is pealed forth with unwearied reiteration. Even Sir George Grey had to fall back upon a kind of Radical dissertation vaguely connected with the subject in hand ; and if the old man eloquent failed upon such a question, how should Sir Robert Stout succeed ? Indeed, there is something almost amusing—something irresistibly suggestive of Saul among the prophets —in the very idea of the ex-Premier essaying the role of poetical eulogiser or interpreter, and taking “ a cup o’ kindness yet ” in honor of the author of ‘Tam O’Shanter.’ One is reminded of certain verses in Wordsworth’s * Poet’s Epitaph,’ Under the circumstances, Sir Robert is perhaps to be congratulated upon having done as well as he did. He worked himself up into a sufficient state of enthusiasm to deny that the poet ever got Into amorous scrapes, and displayed a patriotc fervor infinitely preferable to the vein of false cosmopolitanism which he semetimes affects. His earlier speech, too, about Parliament, if not quite unquestionable, was at least free from the execrably bad taste displayed in the harangue which he delivered a few weeks back before another non-political audience. Sir Robert is at least beginning to recognise the fact that the present Parliament does reflect the mind of the constituencies, though he hardly disguises his opinion that these latter are, like Carlyle’s millions, “mostly fools.” Mr Downie Stewart’s preference for the late House is perhaps only natural; just as Lord Salisbury identifies Liberal Houses with “bad Houses.”

On November 29 the Marquis of Hartington

and Mr Goschen arrived in Dublin, and addressed an unDublin, doubtedly influential meeting, the significance of which, however, has been altogether exaggerated by the Tory and Unionist Press. Never, perhaps, was the truth more clearly demonstrated of Mr Gladstone’s assertion that the fight on the Irish question is a fight between the classes and the masses. Admission to the meeting was by ticket, and great care had been taken by the promoters that the gathering should be one of what Jeames calls “ the hnpper suckles.” Trinity College, in especial, was very prominent; but,asSirWilliam Harcourt says, “ Wherever there is an abuse to bo found or a reform to be abused, then you may roly upon the universities.” The London ‘ Times ’ goes into ccstacies over the select nature of the assemblage, quite unheedful of the undoubted fact that this is just the way to more rapidly secure the adherence of the British democracy to the Irish popular cause. Such a high-class gathering as that at Dublin could have been got together in almost any centre at almost any period of political history to oppose almost any reform that has afterwards taken its place upon the Statute-book. There is an academical tone about Lord Hartington’s ponderous speech not unsuited to the occasion, while Mr Goschen, as usual, displayed his utter incapability of appreciating popular aspirations, Lord Ripon and Mr John Morloy are just about to visit Dublin. It will be interesting to compare their reception by the masses with that accorded to their quondam allies by the classes.