The Evening Star TUESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1887.

Evening Star, Issue 7345, 18 October 1887, Page 2

The Evening Star TUESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1887.

We have little doubt that our special correspondent in Wellington is right when he telegraphs that, whatever may be the pro. posals of the Government, the Opposition have determined to table a hostile motion. The leßsons of experience, extending over a lengthened period of time, do not induce the expectation that the party pow led by Sir Julius Vogel will regard the interests of the country as paramount to the consideration of again grabbing the ptfwer and perquisites of office. In the case of Sir Julius himself it is a question of political existence, and he understands well how to work the oracle so as to compass his ends if it be within the range of possibilities. He is quite sure, it may be ifcaken for granted, of the support of the Canterbury, Westland, and Nelson members returned as adherents of the late Government, who will vote with him through thick and thin; and we believe we are not far out in predicting that, bo soon as they have a decent excuse, certain Ministerialists who have been disappointed in the allocation of portfolios will join his ranks. It isa foregone conclusion that no Finanoial Statement by Major Atkinson, however BkiHul in design or enlightened as to policy, could satisfy Sir Julius, since it would not by any means suit his book to be aatisfied. He will occupy the vantage ground of being able to choose his point of attack, and will, we may be sure, select it so as to carry with him votes outside of his own personal following. Whether the proposals are of a oharacter likely to prove beneficial to the Colony, and in aooordanoe with tiw will of the people definitely exD T a»«d at the' «l«Stions, maetera not one straw to Sir Julius, p«WJded he can jockey himself oa to the benches .*BMB by denouncing and defeating them. He is MftUy dangerous, not on account of his political principles, since these may be represented by zero, but because of his readiness to adapt himself to any set of opinions which may secure a majority by attracting to his aide the more unsettled of the callow fledglings of the House. The combined wisdom of all the statesmen of the world could not design a Financial Statement whieh Sir Julius, under existing circumstances, would not declare to be altogether mischievous in policy, feeble in design, and impracticable in effect. The course of Ministers is, however, quite clear. They must carry out to the utmost of their ability the work confided to them, not turning to the nor to the left, nor taking heed of catching or losing votes. If their proposals commend themselves to the intelligence of the people, they need .not trouble themselves about Opposition action, tactics, or intrigues, which should be powerless in the face of strongly expressed public opinion. The fact, however, of the determination having been arrived at to move a vote of want of confidence in some form, whatever may be the policy enunciated, is not by any means creditable. The question certainly suggests itelf whether, after all, party government, as carried out in the colonies, is not * mistake; since good government is almost rendered impossible | by continued struggles for office, to the attainment of and maintenance in whjoh matters most material to the Commonwealth are sacrificed. The popular branoh of the Legislature is not infrequently paralysed, session after session, as regards useful legislation, by the strife of contending parties for the Treasury Benches; and Ministers, with the best intentions, have to regard votes in the House as the leading consideration in framing their measures. It is very much the case of Nebo fiddlingwhile Eopje was burning—the House occupied for weeks together with the discussion whether FiddTeduni ,or Fiddledee shall ha in power, whilst the real business of the country is neglected or slurred? ovev. , Ibe critical of the Colony, owing' to a combination of circumstances, is such; that sustained esertion on the paj* of those charged with the conduct of affairs is abso- \ lately essential. Not only m»st a sound system of finance be initiated, but it must be firmly established, and the whole machinery .of government adjusted thereto. Tiia is the work to which the representatives of the people should devote them.selves dur£ng,thfl presentsession,tothe exclusion qf any "other Considerations whatsoever. It is not the time foridla debates wearisome with dull verboßliy, the disoussion of impracticable theories, or $ei unlimited orations on abstract questions which ocpupy, so many days and;hours year after yea,r. f Matterß weighty and urgent demand attention; and it might have been hoped that .this would not have been diverted by the wising #f issues of no real moment, or those conflicts for place which on more than one occasion have the Legislature. We do not advocate, n T pr'wonl4 we be understood tp.arge or to desire, that,'whatever

may be the character of the proposals in the [ Finauoial Statement, they should be accepted and given effect to. But we do maintain that they should be fairly and ' deliberately considered on their merits, and that it will be the duty of every honorable gentleman to apply himself to this regard- j less of party, and, if satisfied that the principles of rigid economy are proposed to be carried out in a reasonable manner, to loyally support Ministers in passing the i necessary measures. If the Financial State- J ment should prove the disappointment which j we scarcely anticipate, and some halfhearted, temporising policy is submitted, by i all means let the Government be sent to the ' right-about without delay, as most assuredly , they would be, by a pretty unanimous vote, j This is the right, proper, and constitutional course—in marked contrast to that which it . is credibly reported has been decided on by j Sir Julius Vogel and those who wish to see him again in power. Whatever the proposals, the attempt is to be made to oust Ministers not , with any care for subverting their policy, but simply to get possession of their seats. The character of the policy will be altogether immaterial to the issue, although we may expect some pretext will be advanced to give color to the action taken, and to save the prime movers from absolute contempt. This pretext, probably enough, may be afforded by the determination J of the Government not to propose any revision of the Tariff during the present session, should such determination be expressed in the Statement. The revision of the Tariff is a very large and complicated subject, involving as it does the question of revenue, of relieving the working classes from the undue burthens which they at present bear, as well as the encouragement in a legitimate manner of local industries, and the removal of restrictions on trade and commerce. Whilst we fully admit the desirability—we might say the necessity—of revision, we see great risks and no corresponding advantage in this being undertaken hurriedly in the last few days possibly of a very busy session, and under influences exceedingly apt to disturb the judgment. The Premier himself has suggested a commission of iuquhy who might investigate the question in all its bearing?, and report exhaustively for the information of Ministers and Parliament next session. Such a commission should comprise representatives of the mercantile, manufacturing, and laboring interests. Certain disputed matters of fact would be most assuredly established as one result of the deliberations of intelligent men of these classes, and their report would be of great practical utility for purposes of legislation and otherwise. Ultra-Protectionists will not be inclined to approve of the idea of a commission, since it is nothing new for those who dwell in darkness to hate the light. But it would be a relief to the great majority of the people to have the matter put in a fair way of settlement, and removed from the possibility of being dealt with on political grounds, and in accordance with the political exigencies of the moment.