PRE-SESSIONAL.

Evening Star, Issue 7187, 15 April 1887, Page 1

PRE-SESSIONAL.

Mr Moat, M.H.R. for Rodney, has jreeived a vote of confidence from his constituents, o : Mr Montgomery received & vote of thanks and confidence at Akaroa. Referring to the basis of representation, he said'there should be a difference in favor of the country! districts. He would prefer reducing the honorarium to lessening die number of members of Parliament. He was in favor of moderately protecting such goods as could be-,nrodnced in the Colony. A complete reform wa&needed in the management of the. railways, wijichiould never be economically administered tity,freed from political control. Notwithstanding Sir J. Yogel's appropriation, of the Sinking-Fund, there was a deficiency of L 200,000 this.year, which should be met by retrenchment'rather than by increased taxation or dishonest borrowing in aid of current revenue.'' Public opinion would, he hoped, - declare strongly against further borrowing. Mr Ballancejs Land Acquisition Bill would, he feared, tead to jobbery. Of all tenures he preferred freehold. MR ROLLESTCN AT TEMUKA.; The Hon, Mr Rolleston addressed hi constituents at the Temuka Town Hall on Wednesday night. -" The attendance was »eiy huge. ' He said that it was^rtcnVffio^h 1 "mmldle. ment that it was.difficult to describe. Party government, in which the Premier believed, and which has been'defined as "Insfpirable from Parliamentary government,' anO exercising the greatest influence for good or evil upon the political destinies of a country," has been thrown into confusion by his alliance with men of different aims, sympathies, and views. The policy of iho Governinent has been like Joseph's coat of many colors; or perhaps I may better liken it to a kaleidoscopic toy, which, when you take it in your hands, presents a different aspect at every* lining to-day another to-morrow; sometimes a bit of their own policy, that does not last long; then a bit of the Opposition's, partially disfigured, often spoilt by the handling. Professions and promises everywhere, performances hardly anywhere,. Concerted action and prearranged policy are impossible when members of the Government are only held together by being kept apart. The Hinemoa by sea tfrhen not occupied with, futile Big .Bay expeditions), and special trains by land, have been rushing in all, directions to enable Ministers to make speeches, in which they say; nothing or contradict each other. The Treasurer sits in hot water at Waiwera, away from the departments through which business ought to be conducted. He is concocting high-flown borrowing policies and schemes for submarine cables, or negotiating, it may be, extravagant land purchases with his supporters. The Premier, in the cooler atmosphere of Invercargill, is talking economy and decrying borrowing. The Minister of Lands sits at Wellington the while, using the Press Association—an institution subsidised to give impartial and useful information to the public—to sing his praises, and circulate the latest sensation with which he can divert the public mind. I don't know why Mr Ballance is chosen for these purposes, but so it is. Laßt year it was he who circulated the unconstitutional threats of a dissolution in the recess, while his colleagues were menacing the Auckland members with the loss of the North Island Railway loan, and trying to make the country believe that Captain Russell's motion, which forced the economy upon them then that they take so much credit to themselves for practising now, was responsible for all their shortcomings. This year the speeches and the sensational paragraphs have reached their climax. The silly season, is: on with a vengeance. Mr Ballance's latest sensation is entirely, outside Tiis' own • department. The Supreme .Court, is to be brought under the " heel of the Legislature. A Judicial Committee of both Houses is "to sit continuously, and whenever a judgment is reported which does not to the public mind seem right I presume to some section of the public Press) the matter should be brought before the Legislature." I will not stop to characterise this proposal fully; it will never take form in the Legislature, and I am sorry that a Minister of the Grown should have so misunderstood his own position, and that of the Supreme Court, as he appears to have done. I wonder what his colleague the Minister of Justice thinks about it all. He probably differs ; I hope he does. 'Sou may depend upon this, that upon the independence of the judiciary the safety of democracy depends more than upon anything else. Of other products of the silly season let me first make a few observations on Sir J. Yogel's last utterance in Christchurch, as illustrating the utter want of coherence among Ministers and even of consistency in themselves individually. His speech was a sad come-down from the pedestal on which he placed himself two years ago. He had come back to New Zealand and found the country "dozing." Under a finance reinstated by himself the country would rouse itself from its apathy and spring forward with leaps and bounds of progress. The finances were suffering only from mismanagement ; they were elastic and "buoyant enough to satisfy the most exacting financier." He told the Auckland people to give the Colony "another chance"—a euphemiun for giving himself another chance with borrowed millions. The property tax was " crushing the life out of the country; unwise in principle and undesirable in its effects." Education equally efficient could be found at half the cost Railway boards must be constituted. The system of perpetual leasing was "unmitigated humbug." These were his opinions two years ago. Now he sees that the depression was . not confined to New Zealand; that it was not in the power of any Minister,' or Ministry, either to create or remove it; that really the country was progressing all the while; and he brings forward figures to its progress from 1880 to 1885 (the dozing period when our Government were in office); that loans and borrowing must now be reduced ', that the property tax must be maintained; that the education system is in accord with the public will; that railway boards won't work,lbut; a court of inquiry into grievances must be instituted; that perpetual leases are at {he present time the best way of disposing of land. Yon will say " The Opposition ought to be pleased;" Yes, we have joy over one sinner and his conversion so far as it goes. So long as the Government play our tunes, we don't care who conducts the orchestra; but they must play in time and tune, not in discordant strains, and we will support them as we have supported them before, and help them to pass raeasureVof which we approve. The circumstance of "our being in or out of office has made no difference in our view of questions o£. Ipaßdfc' 'lt was very ungracious, therefore, of Sir Julius Yogel to say that he voted, against'"hisown Premier's Bill the Representation [BSL — because he distrusted the Opposition, and because, as he said, " the Government must -not neglect its own friends." Noi; was Si* Jtobprt Stout less ungracious when he Baid tlty "the cry of economy last session was merely raised by those who wanted to displace the Government; that the Opposition were rarely scrambling for office." There was not a,sp£le measure of economy for which the Qpppatjpn did hot vote. There never was a more unconstitutional position than that of a Government allowing its finance to be pulled to pieces as in the case of the Customs tariff, the local government measures, and Captain Russell's resolution, by their own supporters, or than that of three Ministers voting against the Premier on the Representation*SQL-' No Government ever had an Opposition less desirous of office, or which more steadily gave its assistance wherever it could properly do so. The Premier tells us now that if we are to proVide, not for a mere temporary, but for a j>£manent stability in finance, "borrowing*muw cease,"—a sentiment in which I concur. He says they brought down a one and a-half raiUrn loan instead of ten millions as expected; He believes that next year they ought to do without a loan. What are the facts ? There never waß a session in which borrowing was proposed more with regard to political exigencies and lea for reproductive purposes than last year* Take the schedule of the Loan Bill There were few lines which could not have been advantageously' postponed, and hardly any the proceeding with which does not involve further borrowing, unless what is done Trto he useless. Take the Grahamßtown-Aroha line, along a navigable river, the WestportInangahua, and the' Blenheim - Tophouse. Another three millions would be required to take the lines in the schedule on to any advantageous point, besides that spent and that proposed. What is the use of preaching economy and no borrowing in the face ofsuc^asefcedule! Yet when the House knocked out two of m most worthless, they were told they embarrassed the finance. What has been dow^n tia interests of economy by the, «MW,W» Forest Department and an Agricultural .department; by the .taking ova the fciii&fc Railways: by the increase of the Legislative Council; by the large increase in the personal expenses of Ministers ? Let me now say a few words as to THK POSITION OP Tfflt QWJHTBXT |* It seems to me to be more hopeM than for some years past. * t n*js>

without ereatly affecting its prosperity, its SonllpwS, its crops, its. manufactures, ufKFnerease Over-borrowing and speouSion rdn Sduals, but the country goes on and tie depression lias taught many a valuable lesson of thrift and economy. The fail in Prices has to be met by larger and cheaper production. Pooulation .. 482,019 678,283 r p 1880. 1885. Sheep .. ' •• 11.530,823 14,546,800 ; Woof per sheep .. 6.331b 6.071b Acrease under cul- 1881. 11886. tlvatlon .. .. 4,843,718 0,740,998 Eleven acres per head against one in England. There has been an increase since 1880 on minor exports of more than one million. By minor exports I mean other than grain, wool; and gold —i.e., butter, cheese, leather, bacon, timber, eto. Butter rose from LB.OOO to L 102,000. Property assessment in 1882 .. £93,882.440 „ „ 1885 .. 100,532,640 Savings bank deposits a great test of progressive industry—were in 1885 L 1,638,035, as against L 903.735 in 1880. Exports and imports in 1881 .. £12,514,703 „ ~ 1685 .. 14,^99,860 Except by affording facilities for settlement, the! Government have little affected the matter. They may affect it for evil by placing restrictions on trade to a certain extent, but it is all nonsense for one man to talk as though he could bring about what can only be brought about by self-reliance and industry. Coming to THE MEASURES OF LABT SESSION, two of the most important were those making provision for loans to local bodies, to take the place of tho Roads and Bridges Construction Aot. They contain provisions for enabling local bodies to borrow on terms of repayment by sinking fund, so as to extinguish the debt, 4nd will no doubt be found very useful in promoting public works, inoluding irrigation in country districts. There was a provision that publio works should include school buildings, but this was struck out, as introducing a new principle in respect of our educational system, which would work very unfairly to the country 4istriots. It was thought wrong, too, to bring about so great a change in so indirect a manner. There were some useful consolidations of the law affecting counties and municipalities - and mining, not involving any large considerations of policy or reflecting any credit upon anyone. There was a wonderful Bill—the Civil Service Reform Bill Messenwere to pass a fourth standard examination ; tho Service was only to be entered by cadets on nominations of M.H.Rs; and salaries were'to be adjusted every three years on the cost of provisions. The Upper House made the entrance competitive, and the last provision was never seriously entertained by either House. Another Act was passed—the Native Land Administration Actr-perhaps the most important in its results of ainy during the session. The result of this Act will be to stop all private transactions in Native land, and ultimately to restore the pre-emptive right of the Government; but Mr Ballance, who has an'extraordihary propensity for Introducing middlemen and associations into land transactions, has spoilt this Bill by the introduction of Native Comr mitteeß, practically as trustees in the dealings, and I fear that endless confusion will ensue before the final result is attained.

THE MIDLAND RAILWAY went through what, I hope, is its last phase of legislation. I will pot trouble you with any allusion to tt, ! or to my own action in the matter, further than to say that the Premier was not lately in his comparison of this contract with that for the Manawatu Railway. 1. lands will he given in the case of the Midland Railway which cannot be specially benefited by the railway, i.e., the produce of which will not fee' carried on the line. 2. The land was 50 per ■cent, on the cost instead of 30 per cent. 3, But worst of ill no provision was made in the contract as to the sale of land for settlement, a provision which is working most beneficially in the case of the Manawatu line. The late Government made the sale of land compulsory on completion of the contract, so as to prevent holding for speculative purposes. Tho re-enact-nantof

THB GOVERNMENT INSURANCE ACT was, I think, a wise step, putting an end to a Board whleb, with the Colonial Treasurer at its head, had signalised itself for the extravagance of its purchases of land and buildings. Now as ±o the

BILL OF FARE FOR »J5,\T SESSION. "We are told by Mr Ballance that we are to have Women's Suffrage, Reform of the Legislative Council, ao Expropriation Measure,"Reform of the Supreme Court, Revision of the Tariff for Proteetion purposes, and possibly a Bill to prevent the recovery of small debts. What more we know not, I don't think we shall hear much of these, and I don't helieve the Government are in earnest abouQany of them. Mr Ballance is put forward on tha stage with amusing bits of by-play |to temporarily divert ihe audience. Women's suffrage is not to be a Government measure. Ministers will probably vote in different lobbies upon it. It has taken two years to bring forth, and the poor bantling will be neglected and probably massacred by its unnatural parents. There is a grim humor about the propo'-a' for reforming the Legislative Council as coming from this Government. All Governments keep this as a standing dish; but it was reserved for this Government to fill the Council with life nominees and the*; fin*out that seven years was a sufficiently long oxistencefor future appointments. The talked-of reform of the Supreme Court would be harmless and lidiculous if it were not improper to "trifle with such a subject. THB LAND QUESTIOH, »s affected by proposals for expropriation, is one on which I wish to speak more seriously, took, at it from whatever point of view you will, the present position is unsatisfactory. iio one who looks at all ahead and has anything to do with public affairs will omit every legitimate means to lessen the evils of land monopoly which exist, and to prevent them arising where they have not already arisen. The occupation by corporations of large tracts of country which have fallen into their hands as mortgagees; the aggregation of tho working classes into the townships at high rentals; the difficulties and hardships which already encompass soeiaj life in a country which teems with all that ought to make life easy and comfortable, loom largely in the not far-off (distance. As a property-holder, as a colonist, as one interested in the future wall-being and happiness of New Zealand, I feel that on the distribution.of the people through the country, ■and the prevention of class cries, and the bitterness, of feeling whioh has arisen elsewhere, the future prosperity of the New Zealand most largely depends. The reforms which have of lite years, been introduced into the laws affecting Crown lands tend, as I believe, to prevent monopoly and speculation in unafienaed lands. I speak of the law prior to 1885, because I have my doubts as to the working of the provisions as to special settlements which have recently been brought into operation, involving as they do a class of middlemen. There is danger, too, of forcing on *he land a class of people entirely unsuited *3 agricultural life by finding borrowed money for them. Money easily got is not unlikely to be unwisely spent. However, it. Is an experiment initiated by the Government with most laudable intentions, and it should have a fair trial The question ot dealing with lands already alienated is a different one. There can he no doubt of the correctness of the principle laid down by Mr Gladstone, that for an •adequate public object, and on fair terms, the State is entitled to resume lands j and that the settlement of people is an adequate object, I have no doubt. But as to how to give effect to the principle, there is room for great difference of opinion. Judging from what the Premier «aid on Sir George Grey's Bill (Land for Settlement) last year, he is not likely to figsee with his colleague's proposals as telegraphed from Wellington, and for my own part I do not think they are calculated to promote the ohject in view. The limitation of L 50,000; the issue of land bonds; the initiation of resumption of associations, are all objectionable features, and would seem to be in the interest, not of small settlers, but of large holders. With the.examp'.eof the Stark purchase ! and tho purchases for the Government Life Insurance before us, we cannot but view with grave misgiving the leaving the power of taking «r rejecting lands with the Government. According to my view any expropriation must be by special Act of Parliament, aB in the case of railways and public works. Our proposals in tho "Railways Improved Land Bill" ap-. proaohed the question from this point of view. Whatever may be done directly, the evijs of tying up land may to some extent be met indirectly by various remedial sneasures. It has already been so met by rclaxiV what, is called w the grip of the dead hand" on landed property, as was partially dene last year in tho Settled Lands Act. The facilities for transfer of land, the tendency of all recent legislation to deal with land as an ordinary chattel, and to free it from sestrictions, «•» in the same direction. In England the Irish Land Act and Scotch Crofters Act assert the right of interference of the State in tha interests of the bona fide cultivators of the soil, and it seems to me that there is room for further legislation with tho same object in this country. It would only be in accord with the spirit of the legislation which removes *he restrictions and disabilities imposed by the "dead hand," that money-lending corporations, like the banks, should be pressed to «ealise lands mortgaged to them within a reasonable time of the failure on the part of the mortgagors to meet their liabilities. If this were the case, a large amount of land now aooked up would be dealt with in the open market. As a direct and positive measure, I would strongly urge-upon the working classes -the formation of co-operative associations, the members of which should lay by their savings for the purchase of lands on some such prineiple as m adopted by buUding societies. Let me express, in passing, my belief, that the extension of the co-operative principle to production as wallas distribution, aspeciallym agriculture, Is only a matter of time. The principle will -gain ground with the advanoe of national education. Upon cooperation largely depends the, solution of the difficulties which aii&e between capital and labor in the future. Ho it* development we have further to look> for the avoidance of the rooks ahead incident to.' Utate socialism. The main feature of the «eati<ra Wb nodoubt be

THE REPRESENTATION BILL. This Bill ought to have been carried last session, and Sir Julius Vogel's excuses are beside the purpose. If he waits till he carries the Bill by tbc help of his own friends it will nover be canned at all; and that, perhaps, iB what is desired. He says: "The Government must not neglect its own friends." I fear they will neglect him when occasion comes. I will not enlarse upon what took place last session over this Bill. It in generally understood that the country looks to the Government to maintain constitutional propriety. It was against every principle of government that three Ministers should vote against the Premier and remain in office. The whips of the party were actively engaged in canvassing against their chief. No wonder that we find Sir Robert Stout descanting upon the need for political education. The main features of the Bill are:—(l) Appointment of commissioners to adjust representation after each census on a population basis. (2) Amalgamation of town districts. The number of members was to bo fixed by Act, and the total population of the Colony dividoil by the number so as to give the quota. The quota, with the present population and ninety-one members, would be 6,300, and this was- to be variable by 1,000 in case of towns and 500 of country districts. Sir R. Stout is apparently averse to any other concession to country districts, but he was prepared to make a concession to the goldfields districts. The Bill is one which proceeds on an automatic or self-adjusting principle, and with somo modifications in details is perhaps best that can bo obtained—certainly the best in a House where, through the actions of the Government, parties are so confused that they cannot rely on their own supporters or prevent their own whips from canvassing against them. It is to some extent a confession of weakness that Parliament is not capable of dealing itself with a question of vital importance, and is driven to relegate it to a machine. I imagine that most people will admit that the basis of population is the only general standard which can be adopted; but there aro considerations which may qualify and modify the application of this principle. Those considerations are: (1) Facilities which towns possess for the exercise of political influence; their power of organisation; the influence of the Press; municipal organisation,(2) Community of interests. (3) Maintenance of natural territorial divisions. The full consideration of these points could not well bo relegated to commissioners. It seems to me to be a left-handed way of proceeding to arbitrarily fix the numbers first and then determine the boundaries. We should settle the districts into which the country naturally divides itself, and then fix the number, Constant shifting of boundaries will entail great difficulties, and power of grouping should be exercised, I am in favor of grouping towns, including suburbs, and giving a minority vote. With regard to lessening numbers, I should doubt the expediency and possibility unless accompanied with a la:ge amount of grouping. woman's suffrage. Logically there is nothing against it, but I don't see any special call for it just now. It would no doubt he a confusing element, especially in relation to canvassing. On 'the other hand, it would create a fuller representation of social life which I should he glad to see, and I should vote 1 for it, not without misgiving. THE REVENUE. We meet Parliament with a deficiency of at least L200.000—L120.000 Customs, and more than L 75.000 on the Railways. The Premier states that Government have saved twice the L 30,000 they promised to aavo, and that still further reductions will be made *' if members next session would aßsist Ministers instead of scrambling for office." There is no doubt that we have to make up our minds to heavy retrenchment. That retrenchment to be real must not mean transfer of charges from revenue to loan, or from the general revenue to the shoulders of the local bodies, as in the case of the charitable aid ; foi in that case the payment will still come out of tha pockets of the people. Nor do I think much will be clone by cutting down salaries of hard-working Civil servants. Such reductions inflict a great deal of suffering, and often end in effeotingno economy. What roally draws most heavily on the revenue is tho annually increasing charge for interest on loans, every million of which represents an annual charge of L 40.000, and these charges have been recklessly increased by such purchases as those of the district railways and the land transaction known as the Stark purchase. What steps the Government will take {n tho way of increased taxation remains to be seen. The property tax is no doubt their mainstay. Last year they taw fit to reduce it by onesixteenth of a penny—that is by about L 24.000. One penny in the £ would mean L 400,000, and if the exemptions were taken off, nearly LIOO,OOO more would be produced from the tax. Tho Government have not given any indication of what they will do, except their declaration first promulgated by Mr Ballanco, of a revision of the tariff in favor of protecting industrios.l JI need not say that I look on all taxation as an evil and to be avoided, except so far as it is necessary to make both ends meet. It is doubly objectionable if it is put on to support borrowing proposals such # s those of last year; and I wish to call your attention to the extent to which this part of the country i« affected by increased borrowing. The assessment of rateable property throughout the Colony amounted in 1885 to L 100,532,640, and of this the rateable value in Canterbury is L 26.842.713, and in South Canterbury L 6,343,465. PROTECTION. I cannot think the Government arp in earnest in putting forward Protection as a- means of providing revenue. The taxation by tho Customs already forced upon us by our financial eondjtion is already so great as to afford at the expense of the consumers Protection to a number of producers; and I do not see where further Protection can come in. Absolute Freetrade is. unfortunately, as I think, impossible in New Zealand, iff it wore possible, I know of no policy which would do more to promote the well-being of the country. The Government cannot increase production by forcing capital and labor out of its natural channels, but it may do much by removing restrictions upon trade and commerce. Though I do not think that the question of Freetrade and Protection is one at the present moment likely to come up as affecting our finance, I wish it to be understood that my vote will be given on any question of taxation in the interests of revenue and of removing restrictions from commerce. The question is too long to enter upon now, but let me bring your attention to what has been taking place in the neighboring Colony of New South Wales. There a Freetrade policy has been emphatically declared by the recent elections. Let us see how that affects us. We have considerable imports fro«o New South Wales, and our exports to that Colony havp been increasing annually, till last year they reached a total of L322.361—a very large sum, comprising dairy and other agricultural produce. The exports from Timaru alone rose from L 23,690 in 1885 to L 68.678 in 1886. Now judge what the effect would be of a proposal like that of the Government in. 1885. They put 2s on coal, presumably to drive tho consumer to take Westport or Greymouth coal. What was the immediate result? Goal in Timaru went up 2s 6d a ton. Had the tax continued, and had the effect of diverting the trade, the farmers would have had to pay higher freights for their produce, because there would not have been back freights, and the consumers of coal all through the district, in addition to the tax of 2s, would have had an additional tax of 6d per ton imposed by the merchant. I will not pursue the subject further row. A remarkably able address on the subject was recently given by Mr Bruce, M.H,R., in Dunedin.

CONCLUSION. It is not to political nostrums ; it is not, as the Premier told a meeting in Auckland the other day, to borrowed money or paper money, but to self-reliance, thrift, and industry that we have to look for a return of prosperity both nationally and individually. We have been passing through a long period of depression, the result of a reaction from a time of abnormal speculation and undue inflation. Tbose who speculated most, who relied most on outside help, have felt the reaction most. The disorganisation of trade, by some called over-production, is now settling down into steadier grooves, and I believe tho reaction in an opposite direction has already begun. We may look forward to a future full of hope and : promise.