What Irishmen Want.

Evening Star, Issue 6819, 5 February 1886, Page 4

What Irishmen Want.

- ■* “Au American ia London” contributes au article to the 1 Pall ]\lall (la/ctte ’ under the above heading. A Vo extract the following passages:— First of all, hy way of preface, there is no question of separation. That is all rubbish. No doubt a great deal has been said about it by angry Irishmen, but would all Englishmen like to be bound by what they, too, have said in wrathful moments, under far loss provocation! Let us put the idea of separation altogether aside and examine possible things. THE VICEROY. The Irish statesmen think a groat deal about Canada as a govormontal model. Let there ho a Viceroy, as in

the Hominion—presumably of drown a;ij111i11 1 11n■ nI. He would be snrrnimded with sudi slab 1 and pomp as v, ere deemed important to his position ; would he the formal medium of ollicial communication between Dublin and London ; would preside in a judicial spirit over the developments and workings of the new institutions, summon Ministers, sanction Acts, etc., as Lord Lansdowne does at Ottawa. Perhaps ho had bettor bean Irishman. If Lord Dufl’erin, for example, could ho induced to assume the tusk, men who arc devoted to Ireland and the Irish can see that a career and a fame would be open to him which the Pates oiler to few. THE lUTSII I’AI’I.IAMEXT. Lot this lie devised and constituted by the Irish themselves. ft would probably he done by a convention made as representative of all sections and ideas as possible. Tho question of minority representation comes up on the threshold of this subject, 'The Irish would object to no reasonable plan for securing this, especially if the Parliament at Westminster was willing to admit tho same principle for England and Scotland. There will bo no Irish representative in the British Ministry, no Irish members in the Parliament at Westminster. Ireland wants neither privileges nor responsibilities in Imperial affairs — only to ho let alone to have a chance to restore herself to health and prosperity. There will ho no House of Lords in this Parliament on the Clrcon. They are played out. Even hero in England, with all tho vast social, clerical, and moneyed interest behind thorn, they are a timid and ineffective body. In Ireland a similar little body of men, absolutely without popular support or respect, would bo worse than useless in legislation.

The Irish Parliament will want no mint, no postage stamps, no ambassadors or foreign relations, no army or licet—not even a militia, which would be an expense and might be a danger. Jt will want absolute autonomy in things local to Ireland—subject, of course, to precedent stipulations, as in the matter of land. It will have control of the police, and, through municipal channels, of taxation. The financial relations between Dublin and London are, of course, among tho most diilicult of debatable things to settle. Irish judgment is against any contribution to the English Exchequer, feeling that this exemption is due to Ireland’s impoverished state. England would maintain garrisons in seaboard defences at her own expense, and subject to conditions of restraint previously arranged. Ireland would ask for no financial aid for education, or for anything else except the land settlement, in which, as will be shown hereafter, Englishmen are deeply concerned.

As for tho question of a tariff, I think no trouble need bo feared. The Irish leaders are not agreed upon the value of one, and 1 fancy none of them would make it an essential point in the settlement. Even, at the worst, if Ireland were allowed to establish Protection, we Freetraders ought to have enough reasons for our faith to feel confident that tho experiment would he short-lived. A rich conUnent like America may conceivably, up to a certain point, make Protection profitable. Poor Ireland, without coal or iron or wood, or any other great staple, would very soon realise that she was tho last country in the world to attempt to feed on her own vitals. Tim VETO. The veto which the thirty odd millions must have upon the live could be vested in the Viceroy or the Privy Council, or in an address by both Houses of the Parliament at Westminster. There are live reasons why the last-named is the host. First, it is contrary to tho genius of English institutions that Jinal power should rest in other hands than those of the Ministers and Parliament—which disposes of the Viceroy. Secondly, the Privy Council would mean, practically, tho existing English Ministry, but without ministerial responsibility to Parliament, which is inadmissible. Thirdly, an address by Parliament would preserve in form and fact alike the supremacy of that body over Ireland. Fourthly, it would secure the Irish against uneonsidered and harassing on trivial or unsubstantial grounds. Fifthly, it would be a utilisation of machinery now in use in the case of ft Judge, who holds <j itt'indm, sc hem (jhshm'U, and is only removed by an address of both Houses against him. The exercise of this veto would lie limited of course by the Act of Settlement, within certain defined boundaries. KELIUIOUS EQUALITY. There would be no disposition to in any way abridge religious liberty, and no disinclination to give all reasonable guarantees on this point. The presence of Protestant Mr Parnell at tho head of tho movement, and of live Protestants among his now parliamentary followers, ought in itself to make tins clear. Ho doubt there is a great deal of intolerance in Ireland. Put has the Orangeman any title to complain of superior bigotry in the Papist 1 ! Could not Archbishop Walsh tell a story about Protestant persecution which, via tho heel marks of Sir fleorge Errington, would reach into Downing street itself? Fortunately, Monsignor Walsh is a broad-minded, generous, tolerant statesman, with no idea of repaying in kind his own grievances. There, will bo some friction until the minority learns that the old days when it had a big brother to hack it in throwing bricks at the majority have passed away. Then there will he peace. THE LAXU QUESTION. Here is tho rub. Ireland wants the loan of enough money to buy the landlords out. Granting that, tho remaining question is of valuation. But the British taxpayer, whose money is being advanced on the security of the land, will have as keen an interest in seeing that his security is solid as the Irish tenant-purchaser will in keeping prices down. This common concern in justice ought to he safe ground upon which to build a settlement. It ought to secure a valuation of tho land on strictly commercial lines, the absence of which in the past

has l.(>cti an mi' pi nlzal>le curse to Ireland. !( is no i-.i'oroi, sinvly, dial, tons of thousands of hi'-li leftants think themselves fortunate if (hey can get a bare. living out of their holdings, ami do not dream of paying (he rent from (he proceeds as well. That must come from harvesting in England, or from relatives in America. 'The new valuation must include hotli living and rent (or its equivalent in instalments ami interests on the loan). The fact that any other system was ruinous and criminal has not mattered much in the past, because only the Irish suffered by it. But when the British taxpayer finds his LIO loaned on the security of land which cannot decently feed its occupiers, let alone yield 10s for interest and a moiety of the debt, it will matter a great deal. The only danger lies in a false valuation through favoritism. The only safeguard lies in making England and (Scotland responsible in pocket for such a result. The subject suggests so much that there must he no attempt whatever at discussion here, or your pages would be swamped. One thing, however, should be said—a perfectly fair valuation, based upon the productive wealth of the land, would force tbe usurers, who have been bleeding Ireland worse than Egypt was over bled, to terms of composition. Perhaps these could be arranged by private treaty, so that the landlords whom the money-lenders hold in their talons might escape utter ruin. Perhaps the amount owed is too groat, for this accursed system permeates all Irish finance, from the London Bank which loans the Cabinet Minister money at 20 per cent, to build his castle, down to the gombeen man who loans to the tenant at 200 per cent, for the purchase of seed. If the case is too bad for ordinary remedies, then no ideas about the rights of property ought to stand in the way of an heroic and extraordinary remedy, any more than they availed to prevent our freeing the slaves twentytwo years ago. Till’. PUF.AM OF FFDKUATIOX. All this may easily he the first great practical step toward a Federation of the British Empire—of the Englishspeaking peoples. Ireland, worn, ex hausted, sick at heart over her own desolation, has now no external ambition, while Englishmen think of a semi-independent Ireland as plotting rebellion and fomenting foreign troubles ! The one consuming idea of the men whom lieland trusts, the Parnells, O’Connors, Hoalys, Sextons, and O’Briens, is to take this wretched, slovenly, woe-begoue Ireland out of the mire, as one might take a foundling off the streets, and clean, clothe, teach, and nourish her into selfrespect, thrift, and dignity. Ireland is the wasted waif and stray of nations ; they aspire to restore her to health and strength. Ton years of the new life, by inculcating self-restraint and self-reliance, by instilling wholesome self-pride, by softening the race bitterness which has been glaring across the Irish Sea for centuries, will do much to render the Irish ready for a real Federation. Most Irishmen are Democrats, and religious men as well, and the idea of a vast Empire consecrated to the propaganda of peace would attract them. Then their representatives could come hack to Westminster and meet there delegates from Australia, from India, from Canada, in a common purpose of constructive union.