THE Evening Star. MONDAY, JUNE 21, 1869.

Evening Star, Volume VII, Issue 1911, 21 June 1869, Page 2

THE Evening Star. MONDAY, JUNE 21, 1869.

The question that naturally arises respecting Mr 'Fox’s “No confidence” motion is,—How will it end ? The Ministry are good tacticians; and assuming that they have numerous supporters, they have many advantages over the Opposition. Every Ministry, as a matter of course, in a comparatively small House like the House of Representatives, can command a certain number of votes, that tell wonderfully in deciding a question in their favor when

a division takes place. In the House of Commons, the Executive form but a very small portion of the whole; but where members of a legislature number only as many tens as there are hundreds in the House of Commons, the four or five who hold office, with those who tyre dependent upon the sunshine of their favor, are commonly sufficient to give a Colonial Ministry a majority. This is one of the difficulties to be overcome in small deliberative assemblies. So great does it prove in most instances, that very glaring mismanagement or incompetence must be apparent in order to unseat them. But in the House of Representatives another obstacle 1 presents itself, that will weigh much in determining the result of the division on Mr Fox’s motion. No one denies that gentleman’s talent : but who are to be associated with him] Private letters from Wellington throw no light on that subject. It is, however one of the utmost importance at this moment, for it is evidently no use unseating the Stafford Ministry if it is to be replaced by one that will follow the same line of policy. A member well up in the matter, writing to a friend in Dunedin, says “ The Government is, no doubt, very “ unpopular with the House, but many “ of our members, while they would “ like to see them turned out, are “ averse to do so until they see that “ another Government can be formed “ who will stand out against the per- “ petual Maori expenditure.” This paucity of talented men able to devote time to the work of government, is an inevitable evil likely to prevail for some time in the Colony. Effectually to perform ministerial duties requires self-denial on the part of those who undertake office, and not unfrequently great pecuniary loss. But this is not the main drawback in the present instance. The crying evil is, that there aie only a very few men in the Legislature who have achieved a Colonial reputation for political leadership, and the members of the Plouse look to them like sheep following their shepherd. Yet experience, should before this time have shown that the traditions of the past are what require to be broken through; that a new political course is necessary; and that those who have been instrumental in bringing about the present disastrous state of affairs are the last men in whose hands the further guidance of the helm of State should be left. It is not a mere battle between ins and outs. That might be tolerated wei’e there no life and death question involved. In the present struggle a great principle is at stake—a principle requiring the most energetic and decided expression of opinion on the part of every colonist of the Middle Island. The principle involved is one the equity of which cannot be gainsaid, That those for whose benefit money is expended, should be compelled to bear the burden of taxation necessary. A Northern journal endeavors to be severe upon the Evening Independent and the Oamaru Times for asserting this position, but offers no arguments in refutation of it. Under other circumstances the puling condemnation of it would not be worth noticing ; but as an evidence of the manner in which the people of the North have been led to lean upon Southern help, it is deserving a passing remark. The two journals in question were singled out lor attack because of their advocacy of financial or insular separation. This proposition is characterised as a “howl, ” and the editor winds up by informing the world “ he is ashamed of them.” Of course he works the sympathetic dodge, and no doubt will find plenty of supporters north of Cook’s Straits. He does not see any advantage in the crisis of affairs in the North Island. Neither do we. The “ advantage ” to the North Island would be the expenditure of Southern revenue in making roads, paying for Government contracts, and shooting refractory Maoris, Now we totally object to Southern property and income being taxed for such purposes, If the North Island estates are worth preserving, the proprietors must submit to the cost of preservation. If not, let them be abandoned. Divested of its sentimentality it is a mere question of pounds, shillings and pence. If the sea were making large inroads upon a person’s property, and he were to apply to Government for assistance to repel its approaches, it would be pointed out at once that the affair was altogether one of a private nature and must be remedied by private expenditure ; and if it affected several estates, the owner of each would no doubt in the end contribute his quota to the formation of the necessary barrier. If, therefore, a danger threatens the estates of a whole island, is it not equally reasonable that each owner of property in it should share the burden of resisting encroachment 1 The parallel between such a case and that of the Maori, war only differs in that the sea is an unintelligent force, subject to physical laws, while the Maoris are J guided by savage intelligence, the more

mischievous because uncontrollable byreason. In the first case, the South Island certainly would not be compelled to contribute towards the formation of a sea wall—why should it be taxed for the Maori war 1