CZECH GERMANS

Evening Post, Volume CXXIII, Issue 70, 24 March 1937, Page 23

CZECH GERMANS

ACTIVE MINORITY

SHARE EQUAL RIGHTS

THE REAL SITUATION

So much has been heard beyond the borders of Czechoslovakia concerning the "plight" of "the Sudetic Germans, that it is necessary to examine rather fully their real situation, especially since this is made the opportunity for propaganda by the Third Reich, writes IG. E. Williams from Prague to' the "Christian Science. Monitor." The world today naturally associates the Sudetic Germans with the name of Konrad Henlein, former head of the Turnerverband, or Gymnastic Federation, and now leader of the Heimatfront, which in the general election of May 19, 1935, won 44 out of the 72 seats in the Czechoslovak Parliament falling to the German minority. This is, therefore,- the strongest individual German party in Czechoslovakia, representing about 60 per cent, of the German electorate. The is the legal successor of the compulsorily-liquidated German National Socialist Workers' party, and its programme is entirely Nazi. Its leaders speak as if they represent the whole German minority in this republic; they are confessedly protagonists of racialism, anti-Marx-ist, anti-liberal, and anti-democratic. Henlein in his book "Speeches" (1934), clearly reveals his idea—the Sudetic Germans as an outpost of pan-Ger-manism. ■ The Sudetic Germans are, in reality, divided into two sections, the Henleinites or "negativists," 'and the other German parties, the "activists," who are willing or anxious to co-operate in the democratic system' of Czechoslovakia. , rfhe latter are naturally considered renegades by the Henleinites. ','■■■ Konrad Henlein and his followers have shifted' their ground considerably during the past. two years, their demands increasing as National Socialism has strengthened itself over the northern borders. From complaints of cultural and economic repression, they have now advanced to the demand for political autonomy. Let us look for a moment at the cultural complaints. It will cut no ice to state that in the Czechoslovak Constitution the rights of the minorities are carefully protected, ■or that this republic can at all times be arraigned before the League of Nations for non-observance of .the guarantee it gave in 1919. It is best to lo.ok at the facts themselves. Proper minority schools, definite rights in the use of its own language, and full political and civic rights are fundamental to the existence of any minority. If its children are educated in the mother tongue, if its members can use their own language unhindered and have power to protect their own particular interests, then such a minority can hardly maintain that!lit is menaced in modern Europe. EDUCATIONAL PREFERENCES.; The total number of children of Ger-man-speaking parents in Czechoslovakia attending elementary schools, according to the position on October 31, 1935, was 343,567. Of these 333,450, or 97 per cent., went to schools where German was the language of instruction. In the case of the higher elementary schools, the number of Ger-. man children attending was 89,864, arid of these 83,563, or 93 per cent., wer.^ taught in their own language. 's In other words, of a total of 433,431 German children, 417,033 were being taught in German schools by German teachers. Comparing the number of German schools with those in which Czech or Slovak is the language of instruction, it is found that there -is one German elementary school to 102.3 children, and one elementary class to 36.5 children-, compared with one school to 117.6 children and one class to 39.1 children for the Czech or Slovak children. The Germans are less than 22.5 per cent, of' the total population, but they have 27.6 per cent., or 80 of the 290 secondary school? in the republic. < In higher education German was the language of instruction in 80 secondary schools, 10 teachers' training colleges, 52 agricultural institutions, 48 commercial and 98 technical and industrial training schools in the school year 1933-34. There were also one university, Prague, two technical colleges, one academy of art, etc., for the Germans. ■ . ! Concerning control of their own educational administrations, this is jn the Germans' own hands through the independent • German section •of the Bohemian Educational Council. This department decides regarding the creation of schools, definitive appointment of teachers, etc. Of '' the 17 school inspectors, six are German. The school authorities in the German parishes are German. I These facts speak for themselves. In reality, the fundamental difference between the Czechoslovak State and the Henloin party is in the interpretation of "liberty of national education." The Government naturally demands that State responsibilities shall be remembered, and particularly that this republic is a democracy. Herr Henlein interprets "liberty of national education" is the teaching of National Socialist ideas to Czechoslovak Germans, regardless even of what the other 40 per cent, of the Germans want. ECONOMIC REPRESSION? The complaints regarding economic repression of the Sudetic Germans have to' be seen in their proper perspective in order that the reader may decide for himself how much is due to general economic conditions and How much to the Czech authorities. The world crisis of 1929 hit these frontier districts very, hard, since the glass and textile-industries here found work .especially for export. Other factors which have played a part in making conditions among the Germans still worse might be traceable to the lack of confidence of the industrialists in I that region of the Czechoslovak State and also in the Czech currency. This led them in the early post-war years to invest their savings and capital in marks, so that they suffered very badly as the result of the inflation in Germany in 1923. During the boom years they also contracted large debts, which were difficult to pay off later.

Unemployed in Czechoslovakia numbered 920,182 in February, 1933, and 480,340 in August, 1936. About one half of these were from the German districts. The percentage of Germans to Czechs employed in industry is 46 to 39.4 per cent, so that the former naturally felt the slump more than the latter. In their uncritical enthusiasm for things National Socialist, the Henleinites deliberately ignore the fact that the economic crisis in their area is also in no small measure due to the decline in Czechoslovak trade with Germany, because of the latter's foreign exchange restrictions. The tourist traffic centres in the Kiesengebirge, etc., have had very, very few visitors from the Third Reich for this same reason.

But the Sudetic Germans have complained, with a greater measure of justification, that in the recent past work has too often been given to Czechs instead of to local German employees. This mistake has been admitted by prominent Czech politicians, and much is now being done to remedy it.

As for the other complaint, that not sufficient posts in the public services

are rilled by Germans, it must be remembered that this is a question of confidence.

"It is comprehensible," as President Benes said some months ago, "that, a democratic State does not wish to entrust its administration to officials who profess Fascist totalitarian or Communist principles." That is largely' : the reason there are so few Germans in the public service. The figures at the 1930 census were 141,000 Germans, as against 533,764 Czechs and Slovaks. ' "STATE WITHIN A STATE." But even if these cultural and economic complaints were justified and remedied, this would not satisfy the aspirations of the Henlein Party as expressed today. They now demand that "the racial frontiers within which our nation may freely develop shall be respected." In other words, this means the creation of a new State within the State, and one based upon the racial principle. How long this would or could remain outside the orbit of Berlin is questionable. Such a solution is impossible from the point of view of the future of Czechoslovakia and would never be tolerated.

Fundamentally, therefore, the great difficulty in the way of an understanding between the Czechoslovak Government and the Henlein Party is that the latter looks to Berlin rather than Prague for its moral, if not its material support. The problem of this party is fundamentally what it has been .for generations of Sudetic Germans. Their politico-geographical position and their -lack of political acumen keep them for generation's wavering between Berlin and. Vienna. Then, in the early postwar years, during the time of politicians like Lodgmann, it was hesitancy •between Berlin and Prague. This latter uncertainty has split the Sudetic Germans themselves into two sections. The Henleinites turn towards the Third Reich, while the German agrarians (Bund der Deutschen), and the German Christian Socialists, now termed the "activists," maintain their co-opera-tion with the other nationalities within this republic. The Sudetic German problem today is not simply racial. The issue is that of "Weltanschauung" or "world outlook." What Henlein and his followers do not realise is that the opportunities which they have of putting their case to the world and of carrying on their political propaganda through' such a daily newspaper as "Die Zeit," which is little more than a replica of the editorial opinions of the Reich Ministry of Propaganda in Berlin, is due to the existence of that form of fair play in this State which they explicitly condemn as naive—viz., democracy.