Evening Post. THURSDAY, JUNE 4, 1936. SELASSIE COMES TO EUROPE

Evening Post, Volume CXXI, Issue 131, 4 June 1936, Page 8

Evening Post. THURSDAY, JUNE 4, 1936. SELASSIE COMES TO EUROPE

Haile Selassie might have stayed in Palestine and might have gradually dropped out of sight, unnoticed in the clash of Jew and Arab. His pilgrimage to Palestine might have been compared with the visit of the Queen of Slieba (allegedly his ancestress) to King Solomon, an event commemorated by artists; and a sentimentality could have been attached to the exile in the Holy Land of this fugitive Emperor from one of the oldest Christian States. But Haile Selassie is not content to remain in the land which has been claimed alternately by Judaism, by Mohammedanism, and by the Christian Crusaders, and which now is once more a matter of contention between Jew and Mohammedan. Turning his back on Africa and Asia, he has sailed through the Mediterranean (not yet altogether an Italian lake) and has reached London via Gibraltar. His arrival at the rock fortress suddenly reminded the world that Haile Selassie had ceased to be merely an Oriental phenomenon and had become a Western object of interest. That impression is heightened by his arrival at Southampton and in London. His exile has now become a European pageant, with something of the Childe Harold appeal; and London, still more Geneva* and Switzerland, have suddenly discovered that there may be far more political meaning in the progress of Haile Selassie than appeared to be possible a week ago. The Swiss Government, ringed by Great Powers, appears to be distinctly nervous,

Formulae about non-political ictivity have been heard in advance, >ut it is difficult to see how the movenents in Europe of an Emperor vhose Government is a member of he League of Nations, and who has i>een gassed out of his empire by anDther Government belonging to the League of Nations, can be anything slse than a subject of public and political interest. The fierce light of publicity that beat so unkindly upon Colonel Lindbergh may prove a friend in need to a fugitive monarch; it will speak for him if he cannot speak himself; and if a publicity campaign, arranged with moderation and taste, were capped by a visit to New York and Washington, the American coup might even exceed in success the European coup. Can it be said that Senator Nye and the neutralists have a stronger hold on the peculiar psychology of America than might be exerted by the Ethiopian victim of an Italian aggression which represents the very last degree in aggression, since it was effected over and through the League Covenant bearing Italy's signature? The peculiar virtue of Haile Selassie's appeal is that it is not the less powerful through being mute. Whatever undertaking Haile Selassie may have entered into with the Foreign Office concerning his political conduct in England, it seems to be clear that, when called to the balcony of the Legation in London, he said nothing. But Princess Tsahai said, with womanly tact: "Your kindly reception has given us courage." No speech ever made—including that at Gettysburg—could have fitted the situation better. Brevity became indeed the soul of wit; and the simple sentence of the Princess, given a world Press, will have more appeal than a thousand harangues.

"In accordance with the procedure when Royalty is travelling incognito," Haile Selassie was welcomed at Waterloo by the private secretary of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It is evident that the British Government is seeking to act "correctly." But public opinion is not always determined by correct forms, and the cablegrams imply that the arrival in London of the fugitive Abyssinians has "struck a chord" in popular feeling. London is still the heart of Britain, and to a large extent is also Britain's eyes and ears; London has seen, and the newspaper word has sped over a thousand wires—a combination of events that could not possibly have occurred had Haile Selassie remained in Palestine. British public opinion is liable to administer surprises to the observer. No one thought that so many million voters would rally to the support of the League of Nations in the peace ballot unofficially taken last year; yet it was probably this ballot that influenced the Baldwin Government's "sanctions" appeal in November, giving Government victory. Hot on the heels of this came British public opinion's condemnation of the Laval-Hoare concessions to Italy, and the resignation of Sir Samuel Hoare in December. Since then Haile Selassie has lost the war game against prohibited weapons; yet who can say whether public opinion in the West, with a new Socialist Government in France, will remain adamant to the pageant of the exiles? The possibility that popular feeling will again force the hands of democratic Governments is decidedly appreciated in Rome. People who minimise this progress Westward of Haile Selassie do not include that master of stagecraft, the Duce. Britain has a long history as sanctuary for exiles, and London has no nervous desire to cgst.outjliis.J^tPSt

! one. But Switzerland is comparatively new to the League of Nations regime, and views askance a new angle in its affairs. While the dove of peace dwelt with the League of Nations at Geneva, the Swiss could be content; but if the League and its exiles are to make Geneva a lightning centre, that is another matter. The whole privilege of possessing the home of the League has had to be revalued since Herr Hitler arose and since Signor Mussolini graduated. Consequently the possibility of Haile Selassie pleading his country's case before the League Council at Geneva is reported to be perturbing considerably the Swiss Federal Council, whose relations with the two Dictators rest less on military defensive power than on diplomatic wariness. Even internationalism may become a local liability. It is difficult for a "remote" country to fully enter into Swiss feelings. Switzerland is in the centre of the European maelstrom, and cannot afford the public opinion luxuries of London, or Paris, or New York, or of Melbourne or Wellington.