"BLOOD PURGE"

Evening Post, Issue 86, 11 April 1936, Page 13

"BLOOD PURGE"

A FAILURE IN JAPAN

JINGOES AND THE EMPEROR

ISOLATION ATTEMPT

For the last year, preceding the reCent "blood purge," a peculiar issue had been fought over in the inner circles of the Japanese Government and leadership, writes Eugene Young in the "San Francisco Chronicle."

A professor of Tokio University and a member of the House of Peers—Dr. Minobe —for years had been leaching that the Emperor was "an organ of the State." This meant that he fitted into a place with the Parliamentary system, as modified by the Privy Council and the elder statesmen, and was, supposed to work with them as docs the British King, accepting their counsel before acting. At the time last year when the army and navy were falling under a cloud because they were taking so much money that was needed for relief of a distressed population, the militarists suddenly turned their attention on Dr. Minobe. They insisted that the Emperor ruled by divine right, above any Constitution or its forms, and they had Dr. Minobe dismissed from the House of Peers and compelled the Cabinet to make a formal pronouncement accepting their view. Having gained this point, they then tried to carry the campaign further. They held that the Emperor should have as his advisers only those who were fully committed to the principle they enunciated. Aided by the Seiy'ukai, then the largest political party, they made a drive against the elder statesmen and the Privy Council. It was represented that many of these advisers were "poisoning the mind" of the ruler and that they should be removed.

Had they had their way the Emperor would have been isolated as a mystic figure; in fact, would have been pushed back to the status of the old rulers in the time before the revolution' which was carried out by the grandfather of the present one. Then the Emperor had. lip service from the powerful militarist factions —the Shoguns—but they dominated the land. Hirohito would have been surrounded by councillors who would have seen to it that no liberal and anti-militarist had his ear.

EMFERQR REBELLED,

But there was one person they never could draw into this intrigue. That was Hirohito, who is a liberal in his leanings. It was known that he never countenanced the campaign against Dr. Minobe. At every crisis ne refused to act without consulting Prince Saionji, the last of the Genro, and the other elder statesmen. He constantly took the view of the moderates and, as a consequence, he stood in the way of the military extremists. To him was given the credit cf forbidding the army to move inlo North China last November. This action heightened the drive against the Councillors, who were accused of "poisoning" his mind. Behind all this manoeuvring lay another vital fact: In the attempt to use the throne in guiding national policies there was a clash between two great factions. The world has believed for the last four years that the militarists had taken full" control in Japan 'and that there was no,power that could check them. That was' true in a way. The nation was convinced it had to safeguard its "life line" in Manchuria and Jehol before Russia and China could become too strong. There was also a deep conviction —founded on the necessities of the people—that the raw materials of the lands in question had to be developed and exploited to furnish the home factories with cheaper materials. But always there was an element strong enough to keep the militarists from going beyond certain limits. That was composed of great industrialists and financiers. This element decided who should be in the civilian part of the Cabinets and how the industry, the finances—and the taxation—of the country should be conducted.

MONEY THE OBSTACLE,

Between these factions developed a fundamental issue: The militarists demanded more and more money for their adventures. They wanted to commit the country to domination of Eastern Siberia and China. The civilians, on the other hand, believed- the militarists were undertaking too much. They wanted to have the army and navy strong enough to hold the position already gained, but to limit expenditures so that more money could be devoted to the trade boom and the huge issues of "red ink" deflicit bonds could be halted. It was against this situation that the army fanatics hit when they killed Finance Minister Takahashi and tried to wipe out the Emperor's closest advisers. And it was made quite evident in the farcical proceedings that followed in Tokio that they had powerful' military backing in what they had done. In the election they had failed to draw popular support for their scheme to wipe out the "poisoners" of the Emperor's mind. So they took direct action.

So far, it now appears, the Emperor has not fallen in with the idea they had of isolating him from the moderates and civilians. Word came out from the secret palace conferences, where the militarists tried to force his hand by surrounding him and keeping the civilians away, that he refused to make any decisions until he had consulted Prince Saonji and his regular advisers. And in the end the military had to give way and let such advice be taken. There had been no settlement yet, however, of the fundamental issue. The militarists and the civilians still disagree on the method of meeting the critical situation in which the country finds itself. The main fact is this: Almost a million babies were born last year, and about the same number are likely to be born this year. The population of the islands is approaching • 70,000,000. All these people have to live on a land not as large as California and •with only half as many acres under cultivation. The extensive mountains do not furnish much mineral wealth.

HOW FACTIONS STAND.

The civilian faction believes the problem of finding a living for the people can be solved by industrial and trade expansion, and that this will be best promoted by a policy of conciliation of China and the rest of the world and by reducing military expenditure. The army believes the only thing to do is to seize the markets and resources of China and Siberia and then to go on and get the resources of the Dutch West Indies and other nearby a The militarists have already seized full control of Manchukuo from the civilians and are conducting an intensive exploitation of its resources. They are still far from success in this effort —for Manchukuo does not pay and is constantly taking scores of millions more of yen from Japan-but they have no doubts they can make it pay soon and they want to make China return profits under a similar system of exploitation. . Should they have their way an the

end they would organise the home front .to serve their purposes. They would put heavy taxation on the rich, especially on the profits of industry. The more extreme ones would even conscript wealth. And, although now apparently checked once more, they are bound to renew their efforts, not out of fanatyjism, but because they believe that their methods will save the country in its time of crisis. .

ANOTHER ELEMENT.

It is likely, however, that moderation will continue, at least for the time being. The Emperor has shown backbone and so long as he refuses to let the military extremists rule lu.-n the voice of caution can be heard at the real seat of power. This is another element of the situation that is affecting the judgment of the moderate wing of the army. It will be noted that one of the complaints made by the rebel leaders was that the civilians had forced them to hold back in Siberia until Russia could prepare. All the army. in. fact, knows that Russia is now pretty well prepared. It has a larger army in the east than Japan has in Manchuria. To deal with this force would take a great effort The Manchurian army would have to be doubled at least, and would have to be supplied. That would mean taking ships out of trade and turning factories now bringing profits to the nation into auxiliaries of the military It might also mean destruction of Japanese cities by bombing aeroplanes and ravaging of shipping by submaAnd there is' another restraining thought. The Chinese, if pressed too far might elect • to. fight They might be beaten, but the lesson of Shanghai has shown they could make a lot of trouble, and the effort would call for a big army. If such an effort should be made, with all its cost to trade and to the Treasury, Russia might decide the time had come to take a hand in the game while Japan was deeply involved. So even the army chiefs are likely to help restrain the fire-eaters.