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NOT PACIFISTS

LABOUR GOVERNMENT

ATTITUDE TO DEFENCE

THE PRESENT CRISIS

SERIOUSNESS REALISED

"The Labour Government is not » Government of pacifists, and does ■'.. not believe in a defenceless New .1 Zealand," declared the Hon. M. , 'jftvan, Leader of the Legislative Council, when speaking in the Ad-dm<i-in-Reply debate in the Council yesterday afternoon. The Hon. M. Connelly, who resumed the debate, suggested that a previous speaker, the Hon. F. Waite,' had advocated the spending of money on aggression. If money were available to do the things suggested by Mr. Waite, then money should be found to place the army of unemployed in work as soon as possible. FEAR FOR EMPIRE. ■"-- The Hon. W. Perry said that he had the greatest fear and anxiety as to the future of the British Empire and the British Commonwealth of Nations. "At the present time as we stand," he said, "our defences are weaker than they have been since the Dutch Admiral Van Tromp sailed up the Thames with a broom at his masthead nearly 300 years ago." In the controversy as to the best form of defence of New Zealand no mention had been made about land forces. Looking at the question from the point of view of New Zealand itself, one must feel that if there was any possibility of New Zealand being: invaded, then if New Zealand had a sufficient land force of, say, two divisions in the North Island and one division in the South - Island, with the necessary equipment and trained reserves, an enemy would think twice before attacking: the country. German Samoa had been captured by New Zealand without a shot being fixed because there was no armed force there. In considering the defence of New Zealand the necessity for a -substantial land force, as well as for .those essentials of defence—the Navy and the air arm—should be taken into account. . If the problem of defence were looked at in its true perspective in the only way they could look at it as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations, the necessity for a powerful Navy must-be realised. In the last war, the German submarine menace almost succeeded in its aim. That was Britain's "heel of Achilles." .. Unless there was a sufficiently " strong Navy to protect the thousands • of miles of Britain's trade routes, the Empire would be struck in a vital spot. The very heart of the Empire —Britain herself—would be starved into submission, as Germany was at the end of the last war. Instead of Britain having a Navy commensurate with her responsibilities, what was the position at the present time? Not only was the Navy small, but the supremacy of the Mercantile Marine was becoming weaker - day by day. There was competition from subsidised shipping, and if trouble arose in the next few months or the next year or two, who could tell whether Britain would be supreme - either from the naval point of view or 'so far as the Mercantile Marine was -concerned? . "I say deliberately that I see the beginning of the end of the British 'Empire if these matters are not looked to," said Mr. Perry. The British Army today was smaller than it was in 1914, yet in 1914 Britain paid the price for her unpreparedness. The Air Force ranked fifth or sixth in the world, but the Air Force was now being expanded. These matters were of vital importance to the people of New Zealand, because if Britain were defeated, New Zealand was defeated also. The question of defence must be looked at from an Empire point of. view, and it was necessary for New Zealand, as-a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and as a member of the League of Nations, to put herself in a position to do her share, not only to come to the assistance of the Empire generally, but also !"to take part in the principle of collective security through the League . of Nations. For that reason it was necessary that there should be a trained land force "In New Zealand so that it could, if desired, be sent overseas as an expeditionary force. HOLDING THE COLONIES. Powerful European nations had lost their colonies in the past because they were not strong enough to hold them, and the wars, in many cases, were not fought upon the soil of the col"onies themselves. They were fought far from the possessions themselves. ■ "If we are not wise enough to learn the lesson and do not make ourselves strong enough to hold the possessions we have, then inevitably a nation or nations will arise strong enough to take our possessions from us," he said. '" Mr. Perry said that he would support a forty-hour week if those who benefited by the legislation spent some of the extra time in making themselves proficient in the use of arms so that they could defend the leisure and the free institutions of the country should the necessity arise. INEVITABLE CLASH. Reviewing the international situation, Mr. Perry said that every day -that passed brought nearer the inevitable clash between two systems, namely, government by democracy as understood in the British Commonwealth of Nations and government by autocracy or by dictators. Democracy would not survive merely by its own virtue, and the system would go unless we were prepared to defend it. Three of the most powerful countries' in the world today were governed by dictators or under a system of autocracy. They were Japan, Germany, end Italy. Japan was expanding in China and across the Pacific Ocean. New Zealand was not bound by the Locarno Pact except by implication as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations, in that Great Britain was a party to the Pact..

In the event of war, New Zealand's neutrality wouia not be recognised by any Power, and if she were a passive belligerent that also would not be recognised and would not save her from betas attacked. If a pact existed between Germany and Japan, then it was fraught with the greatest danger to the British Empire because both Germany and Japan demanded expansion.

By reason of the fact that Germany had re-armed, that Austria was re-arm-ing, and that Italy had become a great Power, Britain was compelled to abandon her policy of unilateral disarmament.

Mr. Perry said that he agreed with {he Prime Minister, who said that the fundamental problem of defence was population. But that was not the least essential, as the case of China would show.

"I believe that those who, however •honestly and sincerely, think that de-

mocracy will survive because it is a good system of government delude themselves, and with great respect I suggest they are living in a fool's paradise," said Mr. Perry. "Democracy will only survive if we are prepared to defend it." NEED FOR AEROPLANES. The Hon. V. Ward said the Speech from the Throne stated that the Government had endorsed and-was supporting the British Government in its international policy of sanctions, collective security, the inviolability of treaties, and whole-hearted adhesion to the League of Nations. Although New Zealand had attained the status of a nation, yet she was the most distant of all the nations from the chief storm centre of modern international politics, as well as being, numerically, one of the small Powers of the world. Mr Ward recalled his late father's action in offering the Mother Country a battleship, and said that he believed that were his father alive today and in power, and with the ability he had when he first became Prime Minister, he would, in the changed circumstances of the present crisis, provide for the defence of the Dominion and the Empire a first-class squadron of fighting aeroplanes of the highest power and largest cruising range obtainable. He submitted that such aeroplanes should be obtainable from Great Britain so that in the case of their being required for defence the spare parts and equipment would be available, which might not be the case if they were imported from a foreign but friendly Power. For reasons that were creditable to Great Britain, she had allowed other Powers to build up their land, sea, and air forces to an extent that endangered her own safety and the safety of every country associated with her iri allegiance to the Crown. Today, howeVer, the Mother Country was setting herself vigorously to the task of strengthening her own defences. It was recently declared in London that the Rhine must now be regarded as the frontier of England as well as that of France and Belgium. As the leader in the application of sanctions against Italy, Great Britain had incurred the enmity of Italy, and was unable to withdraw a large proportion of her naval strength from the Mediterranean. Taking advantage of the position, Germany had denounced the Locarno Treaty. It seemed that the only effective answer to the retrogressive appeal to brute force was the organisation of overwhelming collective force in opposition. That was admittedly a terribly dangerous policy, especially with the League of Nations vitally weakened by the non-membership of the United States, Japan, Germany, and Brazil, and the conflict within its membership between the sanctionist Powers and Italy. The sooner the British nations re-established their own invulnerability the better it would be for all concerned. NEW ZEALAND'S POSITION. With the whole of Europe precariously involved, how did New Zealand stand in the far outskirts of the Pacific? "Surely in this field, far more than in the European arena, there can be no doubt whatever that such a thing as collective security no longer exists, and that those who base their hopes upon it are entertaining but an idle dream that vanished with the violation of the Washington Treaties several years .ago," said Mr. Ward. Britain had, in effect, fallen back on the Singapore naval and air base. She was even embarking with South Africa on the creation of a new Singapore at Hobben Island, Table Bay, for years known as the gateway to the East. He feared < her actions were prompted by the recognised possibility of the blockage of the Suez Canal. Japan, on the other hand, was advancing her effective frontiers steadily by land and sea. Mr. Ward submitted that territorial forces could afford no real measure of protection to New Zealand from attack by sea and air, which was the obvious way in which an'attack should be made. He considered that the Dominion's only defence would be that afforded by land guns and aeroplanes. While concurring with the general principles of the Government's foreign policy, he urged the need for strengthening air defence—if not making it the principal means of defence. GOVERNMENTS POLICY. The Leader of the Council (the Hon, M. Fagwn) said that the Labour Government was not a Government of pacifists, and did not believe in a defenceless New Zealand. It had been in closest touch with London during the last few weeks, and was aware of the serious situation in Europe. It was not unmindful of the fact that if war broke out involving Great Britain and she suffered a reverse, New Zealand might wake up one morning and find that the country belonged to someone else. The Government stood for the closest allegiance to Great Britain and the League of Nations.

Concluding the debate, the mover of the motion ■ (the Hon. B. Martin) asked whether one nation could make itself secure by piling up armaments. When a nation did this, others merely followed suit. An improvement in the living conditions of the people was one of the most important factors as a guarantee of world peace.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19360408.2.78

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume CXXI, Issue 84, 8 April 1936, Page 11

Word Count
1,937

NOT PACIFISTS Evening Post, Volume CXXI, Issue 84, 8 April 1936, Page 11

NOT PACIFISTS Evening Post, Volume CXXI, Issue 84, 8 April 1936, Page 11

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