JAPAN IN CHINA
"WHITE INFLUENCE"
PROTECTION AGAINST IT
A MILITARY INTERVIEW
Considerable perturbation was caused by the publication in Tientsin in the last week of September of an interview accorded to Japanese newspaper correspondents by Major-Gen-eral Hayao Tada, commander of the Japanese garrison in North China, writes H. G. W. Woodhead in the "Sydney Morning Herald." After the purport of the alleged interview had appeared in the Press, it was stated that it was not intended for publication. And it is not yet clear whether the publicity given to it was a calculated indiscretion, or a breach of faith on the part of one of the Japanese interviewers. Major-General Tada emphasised that the great mission of the Japanese •military in China was to maintain eternal peace and the "emancipating and protecting of all Oriental nations from the oppression of the white races of the world." He then proceeded to attribute China's present maladies to the relentless demands of militarists and of Chiang Kai-shek," whom he accused of a policy "of extortation from the people and internal destruction." Ingratitude towards Japan, and continued hostility towards that country by the Chinese, were denounced, and the general then put forward an eight-point policy in the following terms:— 1. Japan's attitude towards China must always be fair and impartial. 2. Japan's policy must be supported and implemented by means of a strong pressure continually exerted upon China. 3. With regard to trade and commerce, Japan must institute a "giving policy," not one of mere exploitation; commodities must be exchanged freely on a mutually profitable basis. 4. Japan must respect the independence of China and the maintenance of freedom of the Chinese people. 5. Japanese authorities must not trust too implicitly to personalties, as they can easily be led astray. Policies must be judged by actual results only. 6. All military groups, new and old, lin North China, as well as officials who extort money unjustly from the people must be eliminated. 7. Japan must work for the elimination of "professional anti-Japanese politicians" in China. 8. Mistaken ideas of superiority, both on the Chinese and the Japanese sides, must be corrected. A further attack upon General Chiang Kai-shek followed, after which the Japanese commandant advocated the establishment by his country of a "peaceful land," where Japan would be free to act, and which she would be able to extend by example and precept, adding that "f think it is necessary that we do realise this policy in North China." Thus peace could be established in the Orient "through the co-operation of the three great Oriental nations, Japan, China, and Manchukuo." EUROPEAN MISGIVINGS. The direct and violent attacks upon General Chiang Kai-shek, and the implied intention of the Japanese military to sever North China frpm China proper, naturally evoked considerable criticism, especially when it was stated in the Japanese Press that the policy enunciated by Major-General Tada.had been confirmed, in all assentials, by Mr. Hirota, the Foreign Minister. And it was once more assumed that in the matter of her policy towards China the Foreign Office of Japan was subordinate to the General Staff. The alleged statements in the interview appear to have been brought to Mr. Hirota's attention by the Chinese Ambassador to Japan, when he called at the Foreign Office on October 7, to announce his intention of returning to China on the 20th. And on this occasion the Foreign Office dissociated itself from the views expressed in the published interview, Mr. Hirota stating that he knew nothing about it except what had appeared in the Press, and that he understood that some of the statements attributed to the general had been denied. Mr. Hirota added that the question of a new Japanese policy towards China was receiving the attention of the Ministers of Finance, War, and the Navy, and that he hoped to be able to discuss it with the Chinese Ambassador before the latter left for China. It would be idle to deny that an interview given in such circumstances and in such terms arouses misgiving in foreign as well as in Chinese cir- | cles, and is calculated to make those who believe in the possibility of cooperation between Japan and Occidental nations in the Far East despair. The frequent reiteration by Japanese militarists of the intention to protect China from exploitation by the white races is naturally interpreted as presaging a policy designed in the near future to eliminate Western influences and interests from this country. And it naturally militates against friendly co-operation even in those fields in which the Japanese Foreign Office officials profess to desire it. DEMANDS IN SHANGHAI. One example only need be taken, that of the International Settlement in Shanghai. The Japanese community —which is today by far the largest alien group in the settlement—has recently shown signs of becoming increasingly restive under the alleged domination by Anglo-American interests of the municipal administration. Most fair-minded. Britons and Americans are prepared to admit that the Japanese community has some substantial grievances, especially in the matter of its share of the municipal grants for education. This and other well-founded grievances can probably be adjusted without serious difficulty. But the local Japanese now desire to go further, and to increase their membership upon the municipal council from two to three or even four councillors. As at present (and for some years past) constituted, the council consists of five Bz-itish, two American, two Japanese, and five Chinese councillors. ' Hitherto a Briton or American had been chairman, vith a casting vote, and thus, in the event of a split between the Asiatic and non-Asiatic groups, Anglo-Saxon views would prevail. It has, fortunately, not been necessary to use this vote in any such circumstances in the past. If, however, art additional Japanese is elected in place of one British or American councillor, the Asiatic councillors will be in a majority. If the foreign community felt completely satisfied that the Japanese councillors would identify themselves with a policy of co-opera-tion with other foreign interests (for at a time when nationalistic views are so prevalent in China, the Chinese members can hardly be expected to endorse policies intended to maintain foreign control), there would be lii'Ue if any objection to the election of another Japanese councillor.
The foreign ratepayers (other than Japanese), however, cannot ignore the frequent assertions that if is part of Japanese policy to eliminate white influence (ofter misdescribed as "oppression"). And they are, therefore, extremely apprehensive of the possible consequences of the election of an additional Japanese councillor or councillors. Under the existing Land Regulations, by which the franchise is defined, the Japanese community can only claim some 850 to 900 out of approximately 4300 foreign votes. Unless the other foreign voters, therefore, acquiesced—or were too apathetic to go to the poll—it would be impossible for the Japanese to increase their present representation on the council, which, as a mater of fact, has been obtained, by an informal understanding with the British and American communities and the solidarity of the Japanese vote.
It is in the highest degree undesirable that anything in the nature of ill-feeling should divide the foreign communities in the international settlement, which has owed its growth and (until recent years) prosperity to foreign co-operation in the administration. Yet it cannot be gainsaid that statements of the kind attributed to Major-General Tada, and other exponents of Pan-Asianism, tend to mal:: continued co-operation difficult. The example given may appear to be of relatively small importance. But the reactions of the foreign communities in Shanghai to an interview such as that reported from Tientsin, on an issue of local politics, reveal the apprehension that is felt by foreigners throughout China when statements of this kind are given publicity without immediate repudiation by the Japanese Foreign Office.
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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19351120.2.46
Bibliographic details
Evening Post, Volume CXX, Issue 123, 20 November 1935, Page 7
Word Count
1,295JAPAN IN CHINA Evening Post, Volume CXX, Issue 123, 20 November 1935, Page 7
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