MATCHEK'S IDEAS

Evening Post, Volume CXX, Issue 116, 12 November 1935, Page 16

MATCHEK'S IDEAS

YUGOSLAVIAN FUTURE

PROBLEM OF MIXED RACES

3IITST STAND FIRM

I'ling Alexander's attempt by autocraif/ic measures to compact his realm ot .'"Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes," a Esociated together on equal terms, into a centralised Yugoslavia was d Domed to failure, writes Sir Arthur Ehians in the "Manchester Guardian." iMe component elements' were too Incongruous—one-half looking East, the other West, orthodox Slav and . Uatin, Balkanic and "European." A Lunion such as that of England with Scotland might well serve as an ideal, but to attempt to effect in a few years' lime what as many generations could compass, and, as a means to /this end, to subject the more advanced [elements of the Western provinces— (civilised by age-long contact with Venice and the Habsburg monarchy— to his Serb Highlanders was simply asking for trouble. The existing Constitution, based on the free agreement of what were practically three national elements, was suppressed by a ukaz. The last vestiges of electoral freedom were wiped out and the historic provinces themselves cut up into artificial "banats" named after rivers, like French departments. Revisiting the country after a long absence three years since, I found myself in a "Police State," with an atmosphere of espionage. Many of the most respected citizens were under "restraint," ,in exile or actually in gaol, and during -my short stay at the Croatian capital • a local member of the bar, known to hold Liberal views, was murderously assaulted in a public place by hired bravoes, or "Chetniks" —recruited from Bosnia and elsewhere. Such, in short, was the general embitterment that I left Yugoslavia obsessed with the forebodings of coming tragedy. .It came, after no long interval, at the hands of desperadoes, who had found shelter beyond the border. CAUSE OF UNITY,. It may be said that the universal horror provoked by the tragic, death of King Alexander did more to unite Yugoslav feeling than any act of his as a living potentate. The fact that those opposed to his policy participated in the national mourning at least what might have been a repressive reaction. The conciliatory attitude of the new Council of Regency—with its chief representative, Prince Paul, English trained—was visible from the first. The Prince's personal leanings were rather on the side of music and the fine arts and had borne fruit in the beginnings of an art museum at Belgrade. Since, moreover, he was - sedulously' kept in the background" of State affairs'by his royal kinsman- he had, naturally, much' to learn. But, as sole adult male representative of the house of Karageorgievich, he can have, .if he chooses, the last word with the old military gang. It has been seen that, though the "fancy" system of election was still practised to secure an artificial majority, the moral significance of the unexpectedly large proportion of votes in favour of Dr. Matchek's Peasant party both in and outside Croatia itself was allowed to weigh, and their leader was called to consultation by the chief Regent.' Prince Paul, indeed, did not see his way to accept off-hand, the proposal to proclaim, by an exercise of . dictatorial authority, a new Constitution, based on a free electoral system. But the actual' Ministry called into power seemed at least to have the elements of 'gradual advance, and in two cases included Nationalist • leaders—Father Koroshetz of the Slovenes and Dr. Spaho of the Bosnian Mohammedans. CHANGES IN ZAGREB. Might not a fresh visit to the Western Provinces of Yugoslavia help to efface the unfavourable impressions received three years since? To one | who over sixty years ago had turned I his pilgrim steps to what was then an old-world country town—straggling down, village-like, to the Save from its castle height and its little Kremlin round the Cathedral—Zagreb, formerly | known as Agram, though still set | against the same wooded hills, has ! changed almost beyond recognition. I The traveller arriving by air looks j down on what is now a city of over a quarter of a million of inhabitants, spaciously "town-planned," with a bright garden band stretching to its centre, and interspersed with fine public buildings and institutions, several of them, like the Art Gallery and Academy, the foundation of that wise and princely benefactor Bishop Strossmeyer. There, too, besides the South Slav Folk Museum, unsurpassed of its kind, rises a "Valhalla" containing many masterpieces of the great native sculptor Mestrovich. Four-square, too, on the hill above, with shaded avenues and flowered borders within, is the high-walled cemetery of singular beauty, which certainly holds a first place in the hearts of the citizens. Its fine columnar arcades are backed by a long succession of sepulchral monuments, not a few of national heroes, when I visited the spot, freshly bedecked with flowers. Amongst these is the tomb of Radich, the most recent of Croat "martyrs" (the Irish expression holds good here), covered with wreath:; and national flags and emblems. Not long since they had been torn down by an alien police, j But such acts of provocation already! belong to ancient history. IMPORTANT MOMENT. By a happy chance I alighted in the I Croatian capital at what promises to j be an epoch-making moment. It was the birthday of the National leader, Dr. Matchek, and it had been chosen for a spontaneous civic demonstration, so universal that it really constituted a kind of peaceful revolution. The enthusiasm was boundless. Deputation after deputation in endless processions made their way to Dr. Matchek's town residence, near one of the principal squares, to present addresses I and cheer him whenever he appeared. 1 Other addresses poured in by post and telegraph from all parts of Yugo-1 slavia, including Bosnia and Serbia proper. Besides the citizens themselves bands of peasants from all the country round continued to pass through the streets for the space of two days, shouting "Long live Dr. Matchek," "Long live Croatia," chanting the old Slav song ("Fair land of ours"), dancing in the streets to strains of their native lyre—the tamburitza —

many of them quite young girls, clad in the brilliant scarlet and white costumes of the country, perhaps the gayest in Europe. Broad banners with inscribed greetings to the leader were drawn across the streets and most of the crowd waved little Croatian flags, larger ones hanging from the houses. These ■do not indeed represent the chequer badge of the historic Kingdom of Croatia; their red, white, and green bands are in fact a simple reversing of the official Yugoslav colours, but for eight years they had been banned by the Government and everywhere confiscated by the police. It was a tribute to the university of the demonstration that private orders were given to the police not to interfere with them. The sporadic attempts made to tear them down by uninstructed agents led, indeed, to the very few tragic occurrences that marred these two days of rejoicing. "WE BREATHE AGAIN." I heard the expression, more than once repeated, "At last we breathe again." There can be no going back. Police government from Belgrade at least is at an end in Croatia. Dr. Ante Trumbich, the Yugoslav "elder statesman," also a citizen of Zagreb, and of European reputation as the first Foreign Minister of the country in'the difficult period that followed the conclusion of the war, also shared in the ovation given by the cheering crowds. In his company, when the days of this national fete were over, I went out, at Dr. Matchek's kind invitation, to sup with him in his country homestead, with a little farm attached, twenty miles distant from the town. He gave me in private his views on the whole situation, and some things at least may be said without breach of confidence. On the whole he "professed himself "an optimist." He was glad of the opportunity of coming into personal contact with Prince Paul, and evidently had strong hopes of his continuing to move on conciliatory lines—though his action needed some "gingering." eHe did not even despair of a reasonable attitude on the part of the War Minister, General Zhivkovich, who was really not personally responsible for King Alexander's headstrong actions, as some had supposed. But two preliminary steps were urgent—a general political amnesty, not confined, as at present, to electoral offences; and.free elections. : ■ As to a final settlement, nothing short of the complete autonomy of Croatia itself, embracing in its ethnic sense a third of the kingdom, would now suffice. Of course, he recognised there must be a central direction for certain services like the posts and. telegraphs, but, even in the case of the army, the component States would demand certain guarantees.1. Dr. Matchek was surprised at the extent of the support that had been given ■ him in the recent elections, in spite of the restrictive electoral law and Government pressure. The Serbs of the Banat north of the Danube and others from inner Serbia itself had voted for him, and the peasants of the Slovene border district were now making common cause. Fresh information about this came in while I was there. MANY COMPLAINTS. On this and other occasions I heard many complaints on the part of Croatian representatives of unfair financial discrimination. What particularly stuck in their throats were the large sums recently devoted to great new river quays for the Danubian traffic at Belgrade. This by itself< might be looked on as a wise outlay, but at Zagreb and elsewhere there are great complaints of the neglect of corresponding development on the Adriatic side, as for instance in the case of the island-shel-tered quay off Split for vessels of large tonnage. No steps are being taken to carry out the projected railway from the Croatian capital to that port. This is a real grievance. From the economic point of view the ancient Siscia, at the confluence of the Save and Unna. now little more than a village, but once a principal commercial centre of the Roman Empire—the birthplace of emperors and a prolific mmt —was the true predecessor of Zagreb. But it largely depended for its wealth and importance on the great Roman roadline following the same course as the projected railway up tHe Unna Valley to the same Adriatic port (Salona). A short sojourn at Bled—the beautiful summer resort of Slovenia, with its lake overlooked by the three-headed giant of the Julian Alps, Mount Triglava—gave me the opportunity of testing representative opinion on various sides. The Slovenes, a less impulsive race, more Scotch than Irish, stand geographically somewhat apart from the rest of Yugoslavia and speak what is really a distinct language. That is one reason why no attempt has been made to dragoon them, as in Croatia, by means of imported Serbian officials backed by armed police. The effect of this is that, unmolested themselves, and with the ethnic frontiers left to them by Italian aggression secured by the boundary lines of the "Drave Banat," they incline to regard the Croat pretensions as exaggerated. ' BEYOND THE BORDER. Their own eyes are fixed beyond the border, on a large section of their people in Northern Istria and the Isonzo Valley handed over to Italy at the Peace and "nationally" oppressed in the grossest manner. Much indeed would have been forgiven by them to King Alexander had he succeeded in welding together a strong military State! ■ Here and elsewhere it was generally agreed that any possible solution of the present situation must involve a large amount of provincial autonomy. The centralisation from Belgrade must cease and the component parts of ! Yugoslavia be brought together on a I federal basis, respecting their historic traditions. But this solution is more difficult today than when the "Kingdom of the I Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes" first | came into being. Enthusiasm has been replaced by suspicion. Much must be undone. The removal of the present artificial boundaries will itself arouse countless conflicting claims. If, for instance, as seems probable, the Serbian province north of the Danube, including the old Voyvodina, refuses to come under the direct government of Belgrade, what rearrangement is possible? This most exposed of Jugoslav I provinces is too small and its population, with its large German ingredient, is too mixed for it to stand alone. It might be suggested as a useful expedient that in this particular case a remedy could be found by converting it into a "Keichsland," like Bosnia, or Alsace-Lorraine, under the joint keeping of the whole State. I3ut one | thing is certain. The component elements of Yugoslavia, while preserving individually as much as possible of their historic rights, must stand together or be-exposed, piecemeal to the domination of powerful neighbours. Throughout them all there is need for the utmost spirit of good will and mutual concession. A BOOK OF COMPLAINTS The municipality of Schoningen, in Brunswick (Germany), has made up its mind that Schoningen shall live up to its name, Schon being German for beautiful. Someone has hit on the excellent notion of setting up a Book of Complaints, in which every citizen is invited to put down whatever fault he finds with the management of the aspect of the town. From time to time a committee of three will make houseto house visits and discuss all deficiencies or abuses with th« householders, so that everything falling short of perfection may be put right by the combined efforts of all.