DEBATE OPENS

Evening Post, Volume CXIX, Issue 32, 7 February 1935, Page 11

DEBATE OPENS

SECOND READING

MINISTER'S OUTLINE

(British Official. Wtreless.l (Received' February 7^ noon.)

RUGBY, February 6. The four days' debate on the Government of India Bill began in the House of Commons before a very large House and crowded public galleries. The Secretary for India, Sir Samuel Hoare, moving the ; second reading, described the main features of the Bill. The Federal Government to, be set up under the Bill was bound to be more complicated than a unitary Government, and in the case of India the complications were greatly increased, as the proposed federation included units so different as the Provinces, of British India and the Indian States. In the case of the Princes they, were .dealing with- voluntary agents who were not British subjects and complications must affect the constitution of the' Executive and of the Legislature, relations between the two Chambers, the list of Federal subjects and, indeed, almost all the proposals dealing with federation.'

Taken together, these complications made a formidable' list of difficulties, but probably 99 out of every 100 members regarded an All-India Federation, as their objective, whether immediate or ultimate, and these difficulties were inherent in an All-India Federation, whether it came now or in 20 years' time.

Therefore, Federation should come. into being in the same Bill, as. provincial autonomy was a question of. method, not of principle. So was the question whether the kind of Federation machinery "proposed was the best in the circumstances. , On the latter point the . Co.mmittee had weighed arguments and v concluded that indirect action was a' wiser plan, any> other being in the nature of an experiment. In ,a. .. federal system there ; must be a Federal Court for the purpose of .interpreting the Constitution; ■•■ .-. •■'..... : -... ■■ /.: "'. DIVISION OF OPINION. ~ln regard to two other Federal organs,; proposed as the result of long expert investigation; he thought a division' of opinion would be met, whether there, should be .a Reserve Bank or a Railway Board, .but the proposals in the Bill ensured that these two institutipris. in order t6' fulfil their purpose should be kept ;as independent as possible from political damagemerit and interference. : ; ■

;In the r provisions for provincial autonomy he anticipated, the issue of the controversy'would be whether law and. order should-be transferred to the Provincial Ministers," but political autonomy on any other basis was a contradiction in terms. \ ;

The proposals connected with the special responsibility of the GovernorGeneral, and Governors was,also likely to. cause differences. Almost everyone agreed that Defence and Foreign Affairs must be reserved Departments. As to the question "* of commercial discrimination the major-, ity of the Committee had .found it necessary that ..the wording'should be precise and the Bill provided: (1) Reciprocity of' treatment- for British and Indian traders; and (2) power of intervention in cases where Indian tariffs were, being used; for political and not for fiscal purposes. ■' '

Forty clauses of the Bill were devoted to these services. The main issue would probably be whether or not recruiting was to. continue on present lines. The Committee ~very wisely took 'the view that if the new Constitution was to have a fair chance of starting in favourable conditions, it was essential to refrain from disturbing the: services upon whose cooperation . they would so greatly de^ pend in the difficult years of transition. QUESTION OF FINANCE. The question of finance was fundamental to the whole scheme. The actual cost of the new Federal machinery was estimated at £500,000 annually, and- the new Provincial machinery a similar amount. The rest of the burden thrown, on the Federal Budget, £4,000,000, was' not new expenditure, but merely a transference of the burden to the; centre. He did not ..think they need take a pessimistic view of the financial basis of the scheme.

: The main problem in connection with the separation of Burma would be that of her new economic relations.

Referring to the instruments of instruction to the Governor-General and Governors, he said it was proposed to circulate draft instructions-in the form of a. White Paper when the Committee stage was reached. The Parliamentary sanction of both Houses would be sought for their issue.

Nothing had occurred to alter his yiew that the majority of Indians would adopt the Bill and that BritishIndian relations would as a result improve. He was genuinely sorry that the recent Indian Assembly debate on the supplementary trade agreement

showed that so many Indians should seem to misunderstand .the Government's motives. :He attached full importance to criticisms, but he asked the House to note that the main critics were members of the Congress Party, who had always declared that they would only accept proposals emerging from an Indian Constituent Assembly. In the Provincial. Councils, on the other hand, there had been very reasonable discussions- among the Very men upon whom so much of the work of the future Federation would depend. As for the. Princes they had jn no way recoiled from the position of four years ago, claiming merely that they must see the proposals before giving final assent or dissent The real danger in India was not Congress, or-commissions, or': misgovernment, but irresponsibility. As long as the Indian Legislature had little or no responsibility, so long would they be the centres of agitation and negative obstruction. NO NEED FOR PREAMBLE. . Concluding,. Sir Samuel, Hoare said .that there was no need fora preamble to the Bill, as no new pronouncement of policy or intention" was required. The .Government stood firmly by the pledge contained in the preamble to the 1919 Act. and Tjy the. interpretation put by the Viceroy in 1929 on the authority of the Government of the day on that preamble:. "The natural issue of India's progress as there contemplated is the attainment of Dominion status," . Kightly. understood the 1919 preamble, which would stand unrepealed, was a clear statement, of the purpose of the British people, and the present Bill was a-definite step, indeed.a great stride, . towards the . achievement of that purpose. ; .... , '.'.'_ "It is clear, that we can only reach the end we have, plainly ; set before ourselves, when India has succeeded iu,establishing conditions, upon which self-government rests. Nor will this attainment, be delayed by any reluctance on our part to recognise the conditions when they actually exist. The first and most - conspicuous ■ problem India has to. solve is her cleavages of race, caste, and religion. Again she can safely assume in a- much larger degree responsibility for her own effective defence. y : ■■ ~ •....,:;.....:- BRITAIN'S POLICY. "An Indian Government cannot be, in the full sense of the word, autonomous. Our policy, as will be seen in this Bill and the instructions that will accompany it as to the.manner the provisions are.to be applied,!is to do all we can by. sympathetic help and co-operation to; enable India to overcome these difficulties and ultimately take her place eventually among the self-governing members, of the British Commonwealth of Nations.' If there are still those Ayhb impugn our motives or doubt bur. word, we are ready tb be judged by, our actions of which this Bill is a visible sign, a Bill that holds the balance fully and honourably between' conflicting 'interests and competing parties; that: comes in the line' of direct succession to; great. Im-I perial measures of the past.". ;'