Stating Post
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1934.
RUSSIA AND THE LEAGUE
An exceptionally interesting week at Geneva has closed with the honours fairly even. By far the most important matter before the League of Nations, and one of the most important that it ever had to deal with, is the question of Russia's admission to membership, and Avhen Mr. de Valera was found to have the support of * "The Times" in objecting to the procedure initiated by the French and supported by the British delegation for ensuring the admission of Russia, it was natural to fear a split that might be fatal. Mr. de Valera did not deny that private negotiations were necessary, but he suggested that the prolonga : lion of "the intrigues and note! conversations" might defeat the project, and that if opposition was feared the proper course was to refer the matter to the appropriate committee. So far Mr. de ValeVa was doing well, but he committed a characteristic blunder before he had done. "Russia," he said, "should guarantee universal religious liberty and extend throughout the world the rights granted to American citizens." The League of Nations has not the slightest right to examine the religious or even the political credentials of an applicant for membership, and tit would be setting itself even a thornier problem than those of the Saar and the Corridor if it attempted to do so. Any fully self-governing State is made eligible for membership on, three conditions only—the approval of a two-thirds majority of the Assembly, the giving of "effective guarantees of its sincere intention "to observe its international obligations," and the acceptance of any regulations prescribed by the League regarding its military, naval, I and air forces and armaments. Mexico's application for membership would have converted the League Assembly into a pandemonium if its treatment of the Roman Catholics i had been a relevant subject for inquiry.
But "The Times" agrees with Mr. de Valera on his main point, namely, that the procedure of Russia's supporters has developed into "a situation hardly in keeping with the dignity of the League." The "tortuous process" was, says "The Times," "not necessary in the case of Turkey or Mexico" and has "created a very bad impression, weakening the League's prestige." When Germany sought admission to the League in 1926 as a condition essential to the ratification of the Locarno Treaty, the danger to the dignity and prestige of one party or the other was avoided by the procedure which Mr. de Valera says should have been followed in this case. After an abortive attempt in March the matter was referred to the General Committee of the Assembly, and with a unanimous report in its favour from that body j Germany's application came before the Assembly itself on September 8, ! 1926, and was unanimously carried. Though the omen is not favourable, it is impossible to refrain from quoting a few words from the speech in which the President of the Assembly, M. Nintchitch, welcomed the German delegates to their seats two days later:
I am glad to see Germany take her rightful place amongst us as a great nation desirous of supporting our work for international security and understanding. In extending a cordial invitation to tho distingushed representatives of Germany to take part in our work, I welcome their presence as a new pledge for tho success of international collaboration in tho c.auso of peace.
Herr Stresemaim, who was Germany's ' leading delegate on that occasion, had risked his life at the hands of indignant countrymen in negotiating the Locarno Treaty which brought Germany into the League. He risked it again two years later when, with a mortal illness on him, he journeyed to Paris to sign the Kellogg Pact. But after Stresemann's death his country fell into the hands at first of weaker, and then of more violent, men. After seven years of not very comfortable co-operation Germany was withdrawn from the League by her present rulers, and their attitude towards it gives an ironical ring to the words of welcome and congratulation that we have quoted. The Locarno Treaty still stands, but while the Assembly has been sitting tho estrangement of Germany has dashed the hopes of an Eastern Locarno and probably with them the last surviving hope of the Disarmament Conference. What further mischief she may yet be able to accomplish in co-operation with Poland is quite beyond plausible conjecture. The same week that brought us this bad news and the report of Poland's apparent intention to repudiate her Minorities Treaty has put an end to the doubts about Russia's admission lo the League.
ft is strange to recall thai even before .Germany had joined the
League the admission of Russia had been mooted, and that the appearance of the proposal oa the Notice Paper of the House of Commons drew some comments from Sir Austen Chamberlain when he moved the ratification of the Locarno Treaty on November 13, 1925. They are of timely interest now, both on the question of dignity and as illustrating the changed attitude of Russia.
The admission of Russia must depend, lie said, in the first place upon the attitude of the Government of Russia. (Ministerial cheers.) It is not for the Leaguo to go bogging in one quarter or another. (Ministerial cheers.) That would be derogatory to the League; it would bo a minimising of . its authority and its position which, I think, no friend of the Lcnguo could countenance or support. The will to join the League must bo spontaneous in tho Government concerned. Is there any will on the part of tho Soviet Government to join the League? As far as my information goes, and my latest information is drawn from acconnts of what M. Tchitcherin has said in the last two days iii Berlin, tho Bussian Government is not prepared to join the League On any terms whatever. (Ministerial cheers.)
The contrast between the foreign policy of M. Tchitcherin and that of M. Litvinoff is one of the happiest transformations that the world has witnessed in our time, and it is to Germany that our gratitude is in large measure due. The madness of the Nazis has knocked sense into the Bolsheviks. For many years after the War Germany and Russia were on excellent terms, both hoping to make trouble in Europe by upsetting the Versailles Treaty. ,But when the Soviet Government found itself threatened by Herr Hitler's ambitions in the west and by those of Japan in the Far East, self-preservation dictated a sudden and complete change of front. It was necessary to abandon its hostility to the League of Nations as the organ of capitalism and an obstacle to the World Revolution, and to seek friends in Europe. The admission of Russia to the League should comfortably fill the gap that the secession of Germany has left and greatly strengthen the safeguards of peace.
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Evening Post, Issue 67, 17 September 1934, Page 8
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1,150Stating Post MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1934. Evening Post, Issue 67, 17 September 1934, Page 8
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