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Evening Post. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 6, 1930. PARLIAMENT AND IMPERIAL AFFAIRS
In his speech, at the Christchurch banquet on Saturday the Prime Minister referred to the Imperial Conference as "one of the most important happenings in the Empire," and to the inconvenience of its timing right in the middle of the business session, when the Prime Minister should be present, especially when he is also Minister of Finance and Customs. The "especially," however, cuts two ways. The one item in the agenda of the Conference to which Mr. Forbes properly referred as of special importance is the promotion of trade within the Empire. It is indeed a question: to which, as he says, "we shall have to devote much attention as the years go ou." All markets outside of Britain are being closed to us by the erection, of high tariff walls, and our duty is to put as much trade in the hands of the Old Country as possible. There is no question about the policy of doing our best for Britain, as we can hardly estimate the disastrous effect if that market was closed to us. If we assist her the business will be returned to us. It is obvious that an Imperial Conference at which this will be one of the most important issues is one which must be attended by our Prime Minister, "especially when he is also Minister of Finance and Customs." These two portfolios strengthen the need for the Prime Minister's attendance at the Conference just as obviously they increase the difficulty of his getting away. The problem of Empire trade—not Empire Free Trade, a proposal which is advocated even by those who call themselves Empire Free Trade Crusaders—makes a powerful appeal at the present time, both on the broad grounds stated by Mr. Forbes and for the special reason that there is a Free Trade Government in office in Britain which, by reason of its difference from the Dominions on that point, is the more anxious to explore the possibilities of Empire trade development on a non-fiscal basis. Though the result of the Canadian General Election has illustrated the insecurity of tariff preferences which may become the subject of party strife, the fiscal question seems likely to dominate British politics for some time to come. But, without prejudice to the controversy, it is obviously the part of wisdom to extend and strengthen the non-fiscal and non-party basis of Empire trade as far as possible. In that endeavour the representatives of the Dominions may rely upon sympathetic cooperation, and possibly even an inspiring lead, from Mr. J. H. Thomas, who as Dominion Secretary will, represent the British Government at the Imperial Conference. Never was the need of all parts of the Empire greater for the best possible use of all its resources for the benefit of its own peoples. It would be equally opposed to the duty and to the interests of New Zealand, not to be represented at an Imperial: gathering where these momentous problems will be discussed, and the two portfolios to which the Prime Minister referred merely confirm his claim to be her only adequate representative. But the disappointing feature of the Christchurch speech was the Prime Minister's repetition of the vague statement that "it will depend on Parliament." It is of course obvious that, not being an autocrat, he cannot move without the consent of Parliament. But, while in that sense he is dependent on Parliament, it is equally clear that, as he is its leader, Parliament is dependent on him. It is for him to show Parliament how the conflict between the ference at which this will be of the duty of sending him to London and the duty of getting through the irreducible minimum of its urgent and vital business is to be reconciled. In that modest' and conciliatory statement which he issued immediately after taking office the reference to "the national and Imperial occasions" on which he could rely on the support of his opponents seemed to show that he had the Imperial Conference in view, and any possible doubt was removed on the following day when he put his attendance at the Conference on the basis of a joint responsibility. The natural inference was that he would confer with the other leaders, get their approval Wf some sort of timetable for the dispatch of the most vrgent business, and submit to the House at the beginning of the session.1 But the chance was missed, and it is useless to cry about spilt milk. The practical question now is whether the matter has not been allowed to wait too long, and whether what must be the wish of every member of the Government and every member of the House may not be disappointed by the impasse which the long delay has created. Even after nearly; six weeks of the session had passed it was only at ihe instance of the Lender of the
Opposition that the question came before the House yesterday. Mr. Coates referred to "the general wish that New Zealand should be represented at the Conference," and asked the Prime Minister to stale what policy measures he intended to bring down, and when, and their approximate order. The Prime Minister had nothing definite to say in reply, except that the debate on Imperial affairs would follow fhe Financial Debate, and that he hoped to bring down the Customs Bill next week. But the Leader of the Labour Party drew from him the more important information that he intended to consult with the leaders of the other two parties regarding the business to be put through. Though it would have been better two months ago than to-day, it will be better to-day than to-morrow, but we cannot see that the utmost expedition will enable the House to dispatch all the contentious business of the first importance in time to permit of the Prime Minister's departure by the Vancouver mail steamer on the,2sth inst. The Defence Bill, which was not mentioned yesterday, may be of such a character as to justify the Opposition to use all the time there is in attacking it. At the same time, Mr. Forbes is entitled to an assurance from the Opposition parties that if he goes to the Conference as our Prime Minister he shall be allowed to return in the same capacity. It.seems to us, therefore, that besides endeavouring to fix a time-table for the most urgent and contentious business, the party leaders when they confer should also consider how such of the business as cannot be disposed of before the Prime Minister's departure may be completed afterwards without raising a no-confidence issue.
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Bibliographic details
Evening Post, Volume CX, Issue 32, 6 August 1930, Page 8
Word Count
1,112Evening Post. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 6, 1930. PARLIAMENT AND IMPERIAL AFFAIRS Evening Post, Volume CX, Issue 32, 6 August 1930, Page 8
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Evening Post. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 6, 1930. PARLIAMENT AND IMPERIAL AFFAIRS Evening Post, Volume CX, Issue 32, 6 August 1930, Page 8
Using This Item
Stuff Ltd is the copyright owner for the Evening Post. You can reproduce in-copyright material from this newspaper for non-commercial use under a Creative Commons BY-NC-SA 3.0 New Zealand licence. This newspaper is not available for commercial use without the consent of Stuff Ltd. For advice on reproduction of out-of-copyright material from this newspaper, please refer to the Copyright guide.