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GERMAN DEMOCRACY

A PERSONAL RECORD

SCHEIDEMANN'S MEMOIRS

"Memoirs of a Social Democrat," by

Philip Seheidemann, translated by J. E. Mitchell; in two volumes. (Hoddor and Stoughton, Ltd., London).

To the mass of post-war literature, explaining or apologising, Herr Schcidciuanii. first Prime Minister of tin; German Republic, lias contributed liis share. in the Memoirs how published he lias not confined his account to war- events, but has written something -which is a mixture of autobiography and a political history of his time. Much that ho writes is not new. It will bo familiar to readers of German political' history and especially to students of European democratic movements. But it is nevertheless interesting as it presents a uew point of view. There - are glimpses of the man Sclieiclemaiui, of his upbringing in the shadow of one of the minor Courts of Germany, of his youthful Imperialism, the early hardships ho endured, his training in the printing trade, and his adventures, when Social Democracy was not popular or even deemed respectable. One has glimpses of this man as ho appeared to his friends in his admission that he did not care to associate solely with politicians, but sought the company of men not so engrossed; in the pride with which he quotes comments on his well-tailored attire when he became First Vice-Presi-dent of the "Reichstag and in his description of the mountaineering holiday ho was taking when war alarms called him back .to -Berlin. DEMOCRATS, BUT PATRIOTS. There could be more of this without tiring the casual reader, and less of the rather tedious record of Social Democratic history, with its many references to persons and occasions which cannot interest any but a close- student of the movement. Yet even in this history, closely studied, one may find a line which it is interesting to follow—the development of- the guiding policy of Social Democracy. As Seheidemann and his friends eventually made it, that policy was patriotic, but not chauvinistic. Yet- it might not have been so, It needed but chance and a weakening of the right wing of the party, and Germany might have been, toppled over the edge of the Bolshevik abyss as Russia was. Seheidemann saw that peril when the revolutionary crowds were shouting in Berlin streets. It was his voice which decided the peoplo for the Republic when others, in their efforts to save tho throne for the Hohenzollerns, might have dammed a flood .of popular sentiment till it broke in a destructive deluge. IRONIES OF HISTORY. Seheidemann condemns strongly the misguided conduct of Germany's warleaders. The Social Democrats, he shows, agreed to vote war credits because they believed that the' Fatherland was menaced by Tsarism. They gave consistent support to Government measures while they believed that Germany was engaged in a war of defence; but they became uneasy when they noted the ambitions of the PanGermans aiid Annexationists. Seheidemann devotes many pages to the record of ono of these —tho late Herr Stresemann —winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. "Not a bad instance of historical irony," observes Sch.eid.emaun. The Social Democrats sought to light tho annexation ambitions; but they failed.' The rulers of German policy, he states, mado the mistake of thinking that they could, make peaceon ".an you'we're," terms at any time. In the cud we see Ludeudorff frantically begging for an armistice, and Seheidemann .resigning the Premiership rather than sign the Treaty of Versailles. It is certainly ironical that this leader of the Social Democrats, who stood throughout against annexation anil consistently urged a peace by agreement when Germany's arms were triumphing, should have been the man who tried finally to secure better terms for his country and resigned office rather than give way. I had, as Prime Minister (he writes), stated that every Minister slioulil naturally decide finally' according to his fconseieucc- what was in the best Interests of the country;. any personal considerations were to bo ruled out. I had repeatedly stated publicly, and the other gentlemen as well, that we,could not sign this Treaty. Yet I thought it' probahle that the, Government would have to yield to force majeure mid ultimately say Yes. "I will not do it. My view is that we should tell the Entente' quite frankly and . honestly: 'What you aslc from us cannot be fulfilled. If you won't see it, then come and try your luck in Berlin. Do not think we can be your bumbailiffs, and hangmen among our own people.' The Treaty is—even if important concessions are mado —impracticable. 'It means therefore for me a scrap of paper on' which 1 will not write my name."' Seheidemann is at least consistent, for he condemns with equal decision the action of the German Government in imposing a conqueror's peace on Russia instead of seizing the opportunity to sign a treaty which would have led to friendship. . Tn the Memoirs we have a picture of an Internationalist who was yet a Patriot, who could think'that "Deutsehland, Deutsehland .Tiber Alles" was a good song for Republican Germany. All the Social Democrats did not agree with him, and he asks: Can this love' of one's own Fatherland be reconciled with the internationalism of Social Democracy Why do we emphasise our international feelings? Because the Fatherland is of no consequence to us? Because we should like as far as we can to bring all countries of the world Into one leaven ? No, no, a thousand times. We are international because we know that every nation can only give of its best and highest in social progress, intelligence, and knowledge, and distribute these to the whole world, if every nation is guaranteed in every direction by an "International" for its existence, tho work of its hands, Its trade and its peace. For the English reader the Memoirs would have been more useful if they had been abridged; but if the reader knows how to skim the dull and discover the interesting passages.. he can make his own abridgment as he goes.— J.R.S. THE DELUGE OF BOOKS. ■ j The annual census of British book production, compiled by the "Publishers' Circular," shows that 14,080 books were issued'in 'England in '1920, as against 14,399 in 1928. . Excluding pamphlets,, reprints, and new editions, (here were 9400 iv 192.0, as against 9396 in 1925. An outstanding feature is the increase in translations. According to J. C. Squire, the 'literature of 1929 was "notable rather for the amount of talk that it caused than for its qualities of intellect or art or its prospects of interesting posterity." Very much the same verdict is reached by Ernest Jeffs, who says that "if the final test of literary excellence is tho desire to keep and re-read a book, 1929 was a poor year in literary creation." BOOKS IN DEMAND. The' Chief x Librarian, Wellington Pubic' Library, reports books in demand as follows — Novels: "The Secret Pearls," by O. Pins; "Passion Flower," by Kathleen Norris; "Falkland's Choice,-" by P. Trent; "Tho Mystery of the Fifth Tulip," by D. Deane; ."Hudson River Bracketed," by E. Wharton; "Out of-tho Depths," by J. Hocking; "Man of the North," by J. B. Ilenclry; '"Martin Arrowsnuth," by Sinclair Lewis. General: Elizabeth and Essex," by L. Str.ichey; "An Outline of Advertising," by E. O. Hughes; "British History.." by R. Muir: "Making of Man," by Sir O. Lodge; "Air Defence," by K. B. Ashmore; "Our African Winter," by Sir A. C. Doyle; "Moving Pictures," by F. A. Talbct.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19300308.2.171

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume CIX, Issue 57, 8 March 1930, Page 21

Word Count
1,238

GERMAN DEMOCRACY Evening Post, Volume CIX, Issue 57, 8 March 1930, Page 21

GERMAN DEMOCRACY Evening Post, Volume CIX, Issue 57, 8 March 1930, Page 21

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