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HINDENBURG'S INTERVENTION

What Dr. Stresemann thinks of President Hindenburg 'a intervention, with something very like a note of war at Tannenberg while he himself was playing on the soft pedal of peace at Geneva has not been disclosed. Of less im-" portanee—perhaps of no importance at all—but not without a picturesquo interest is the opinion, of a German citizen who, though, he holds no office, has the impudence to sign himself, "Wilhelm, Iraperator, Rex." When the country which ho had misgoverned had had enough of him, "Wilhelm, who, as King of Prussia and Emperor of the Germans, then held both those titles, resigned them and sought safety across tho,border. The throne which he abandoned has since been abolished and the exile which he voluntarily adopted haß beon made compulsory by the German Republic, yet by virtue presumably of tho divine right on which ho based his title, and which apparently even he had not the power to waive, ho still purports to speak with the old anthoritgfc B fa not yerjr long since the «s-

Kaiser, with outrageous injustice and ingratitude, was denouncing Hindenburg as a backslider and a traitor because he remained-true to tho joiintry which ho himself had abandoned. But after Hindenburg has made what appears to be the worst blunder of his Presidency by a speech which, has rejoiced the Junkers and the Diehards, the All-Highest is graciously pleased to send him a message of thanks! s I feel deep unforgettable gratitude towards all who participated in this gigantic Cannae, says the ex-Kaiser. Tannenberg showed the world what the German Power is capable of under strong and definite leadership. May the heroic spirit of Tannenberg penetrate and unite our divided nation, then will we achieve wonders. If Taunenberg showed what Germany could ao "under strong and definite leadership" the Marne fortunatoly showed a few days later what she could not do. She aid not win the War at Tannenbprg, but she lost it at the Marne, and that iswhy a few years later Wilhelm had to change his address from Potsdam to Doom. The suggestion that Wilhelm himself supplied the "strong and definite leadership" which enabled Germany to triumph at Tannenberg or anywhere else need not be discussed here. Taking him far too nearly at his own valuation, the world, whilj recognising that his leadership was foolish and dangerous, certainly believed it to be strong and definite.- But everybody knew 'better by the time the War was over, and neither in Germany nor outside , of it has* the delusion survived the ruthless exposura in Herr Lua'wig's biography of the ex-Kaiser. Vanity, weakness, and indecision are there revealed as the leading 'characteristics of the man whom the world had credited with strength, and wherever else the Fatherland may turn for a "strong and definite leadership" to renew its glories it will certainly not be in' the direction of Doom. - The Tannenberg speech itself is unfortunately of much moro serious importance than the feeble echo -which it has brought from the ex-Kaiser. Both as an index and a stimulus to the demands of German patriotism, President Hindenburg's solemn repudiation of Germany's responsibility for the Great War may havo an unpleasant significance. While attributing the Presidents action in largo measure to Nationalist pressure in the absence of Dr. Stresemann, the Berlin correspondent of "The Times" points out that "the President customarily is punctiliously observing constitutional procedure." Ho accordingly informed the Government of his intention, and its approval is nqeesasrily inferred. "Tho Times" correspondent sidds that "there is a theory that tho whole Cabinet supported the plan to appoasc tho incessant Nationalist demands." Wo may perhaps assume that Dr. Stresoinann himself wouia have been glacl if tho Tannonborg speech could havo been postponed till after-ho had completed' his exposition of the other sido of German policy at Geneva. But even this assumption cannot be too confidently' made, for at Geneva almost exactly a yoar ago Dr. Strcsomann went,a'long way towards undoing the excellent effect of Germany's admission to the League and- tho Thoiry conversations by somo impossible demands basod on tho rocognised equality of Germany and tho abandonment of "the Versailles spirit." Ono of these demands was for tho restoration of Germany's colonios—a demand which tho German Colonial Association repeated on the very day after tho Tannenberg speech, thoroby deepening the unpleasant iinprossion made'by the speech itsolf. To accuse tho German Government or Dr. Stresemann of hypocrisy on account of this apparent inconsistency in their policy wouia bo unjust. Dr. Strcsemann is loyal to tho Constitution and to Locarno, and so apparently are a majority of his colleagues and of the nation, but there is a very sensitive and insistent patriotism to be reckoned with, of which the principal, though not tho sole, exponents aro the' Nationalists. To the pressure of this patriotism the Government is occasionally compelled to yield. These occasions aro sometimes very inconvenient, and tho Tannenberg speech was a very good example. Yet oven in tho patriotic com-' ments which have been made upon that speech thore is ground for hopo that even thedolicato issue of Germany's War guilt may admit of a compromise. Tho "Tageblatt" agrees' with tho repudiation of tho charge of sole re- ■ sponsibility, but does not accept the assertion that Gormany was guiltless. Iho German, people wero guiltless, because they went into tha field in defence of their ..homes, but tho controllers of German policy are not acqmttable. Is not this the very, point to which M. Poincaro referred in. his Lunoville speech? would now dosire to fix the' whole responsibility for tho War upon Germany, but it is hard to resist M. Poincaro's contention that the German Bepublicans who insist upon tho complete innocence of Imperial Germany are really, in the judgment of the world, associating themselves with her guilt. An official admission on the line favoured by the "Tageblatt" might prevent tho Diehards of either France or Germany from making further trouble over this issue. '

TTDik T" ?' p»B*Mi'Meaioal Officer of Health at Auckland, will leave New Zealand in December for India, where he will represent the Dominion at a conference of medical men organisea by the League of Nations ( sa y S an Auckland telegram). .The Leaguo will pay all the expenses. The conference is termed "an interchange of medical officers," and representation is limited to doctors of Asia, Australia, and New Zealand. Last year a similar conferonce was hold in Japan, when representatives of Pacific countries only attended. Tho conferenco will open on Ist or 2nd January, immediately after a conferenco of the Far Eastern Association of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene. It will sit at Delhi, the headquarters of the Indian Government. Dr Hughes will probably, be absent for four months. ' -

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19270926.2.55

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume CIV, Issue 75, 26 September 1927, Page 8

Word Count
1,120

HINDENBURG'S INTERVENTION Evening Post, Volume CIV, Issue 75, 26 September 1927, Page 8

HINDENBURG'S INTERVENTION Evening Post, Volume CIV, Issue 75, 26 September 1927, Page 8

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