Evening Post. MONDAY, JULY 26, 1920. IRISH TERRORISM

Evening Post, Volume C, Issue 22, 26 July 1920, Page 6

Evening Post. MONDAY, JULY 26, 1920. IRISH TERRORISM

It is true that the Irish independence movement possesses no claim to originality in the matter of armed resistance to the laws of the British Parliament. Sir. Edward Carson and the Ulster Volunteers broke all the necessary ground in that respect when the Asquith Government proposed to apply the Home Rule (All-Ireland) Act; and the Irish, separatists can, and do, point to the Ulster precedent of 1914 when they reject with scorn the Home Rule (two Parliaments) Bill of the Lloyd George Government. But the Ulster resisters did not reinforce their resistance with an elaborate campaign of murder and assassination, and this feature of the Irish separation, movement sanguinarily distinguishes it from what happened in 1913-14. No Teasonable person can doubt that the terrorist tactics now approaching a climax originated with the separatists. If terrorism has not the formal endorsement of Sinn Fein, the organising body of the separatists, Sinn Fein can nevertheless not escape responsibility. Sinn. Fein has taken unconstitutional courses, has set up treasonable institutions, and has created the atmosphere in wHich murder and terrorism can carry on their deadly work. Also, Sinn Fein agitation is seeking to profit by the shock created by their official or unofficial murderous allies. Whether the political leaders of a subversive movement avow their alliance with terrorism (as in Russia) or are shy about it (as in Ireland), the fact renains that a working alliance exists.

As Chief Secretary for' Ireland, Sir Hamar Greenwood tries to keep open the door to conciliation, and hitherto has used infinite patience to prevent its being banged by violence and counter-violence. The spirit of his policy, as expressed by him in the House of Commons, has been that the troops shall not take the offensive against political law-breakers. "There is," he says, "no coercion in Ireland; no soldier is there except to preserve life and order." A purely defensive attitude against lawless violence and organised terrorism, is a difficult task for either soldiery or police; often an impossible one. It has been rendered still more difficult because of the modern development of war-weapons and of military organisation. Probably even in India, the days are gone by \vh,en street riots could be subdued with a waterhose. Modern arms of precision and automatic quick-firers (including the deadly little repeating pistol restricted by the New Zealand Government's new Arms Bill) enable sniping and assassinating rioters or rebels to convert publio streets into cemeteries; and to meet such tactics with a strict defensive, aa conciliation ideas have hitherto demanded, may be beyond the competence of any soldiery. . But as soon as the regulars pass from a defensive to an offensive treatment of rebellious riot, the balance swings heavily against the rioters and ultimately against the assassins. Modern military developments have placed such power in organisation and equipment that the soldiery could quickly overpower a movement that has developed its organisation only on sufferance. Once an open ring were permitted, the forces of authority would quickly prevail. Thus,, rioting and rebellion have become at once more dangerous and more powerless; more immediately deadly, and more futile ultimately. The question is: Has the strain of the Irish terror upon the defensive police and troops reached breaking-point? Sir Hamar Greenwood's speech sounds like a>i answer in the affirmative. He says it has become the Government's duty to break the terror, and to give the Irish people a chance to voice, their real views, imsmborned by terrorists and: assassins. From a Chief Secretary for Ireland these words are ominous:

The situation is bad, and may grow worse, because the forces of: the Crown are asserting the Government's authority. I regret to say to the House that the United Kingdom must brace itself to face a bitter period in Irish history. There is a determined and organised attempt to establish an Trish republic by means of murder and intimidation. That attempt will pot be abandoned without a struggle.

Mr. Lloyd George has pointed out that Irish separation would mean a submarine nest at Britain's backdoor, and is unthinkable. Mr. Bonar Law says : "Stop the murders and we will remove the troops." It devolves on the Irish people to make their choice.