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BRITISH WORKMEN

TO THE EWIOII.

Sir, —Among them will be found some of the most level-headed and ablest workmen in the world, and it is hoped that they will uphold their supremacy in this respsct, not only for their own good but for that of humanity. I have been a worker since my eleventh year, and I am a believer in unionism, but not strikes. Even in unionism we ought to avoid avarice, hatred, and strife. All troubles should be settled-by arbitration; otherwise we become bullies and rascals. I append a cutting from the Sale Guardian, having reference to Frederic Harrison and internationalisation. You will be doing a public service by inserting the same in your paper.—l am etc C. HEATON PABKE.

We have not space for the full article referred to by our correspondent, hut quote material extracts : — Mr. Frederic Harrison haa issued through the medium of the 1 Liberal Anti. Nationalisation Committee (of which he is president)) the following remarkable appeal to the trade unionists n'f the United Kingdom :— "Veteran trade unionist as I am myself—a life-long worker for the true interests, and the just claims of Labour —I am_ forced to titter'a Warning against the policy of nationalisation to be won by . violent action—a course which would: eiid in the ruin of sound trade unionism, and would throw hack for a generation the future of labour. "As a very old political observer, wholly, free from party or class interests, I tell you 1 that this nation will not submit to any such sectional dictation. As things stand, nationalisation could only be forced upon the public by desperate, perhaps even sanguinary struggles; and even if it could attain a- passing success, it would bring our country nearer to the bankruptcy and. confusion which threaten it, and add to all the miseries which war and its consequences inflict on all classes alike. • "What do you mean •by nationalisation ? It is to-day a shifty catch-word, which means many different things, and is used !h different senses by various groups—first meaning, one thing, then, something else. Your official leaders declare that nationalisation of mines is only 'the first step.' They talk of the general transfer of all the great forces of industry to the 'nation.' But that can j mean nothing but a gigantic and tyrannical 'bureaucracy.' And we are all sick of 'bureaucracy,' and we know that it spells worry, loss, and failure. You are quite right to reject "bureaucracy' and all its works. But how can the nation manage mines, or anything .else ; without an enormous staff and hard-and-fast orders—red tape, in fact? Oh! they don't want management by the nation (that is the old enemy—'red tape'); they want management of mines by the miners—of course, 'for the good of the nation.' They go rather slack naturally for mirle-owners; but oh, how furiously they would work for the nation ! Why, swagger like this can. hardly take irs the smallest pit boy. . . "When we come to what is called 'direct action,' that is terrorism, to pass • from rotten economics to a dastardly crime, you, who are about one-tenth of the nation in voting-power, want to put more money in your pockets, and think an Act of Parliament of your own making will do it for you. So, if twenty millions of free electors do not. accept your Bill, you intend to strangle mines, rails, docks;'so that'infants rriay die, business may be suspended, wages stopped all round, and general 'hell given them.' Given to whom? Why to yourselves and your own kin! To me and my neighbours, the last railway strike did not cause ah hour's inconvenience. Did it do you much good? I am told our 'bureaucracy' only wish you would have another- 'try.' "You know—at least your leaders know—that all Europe is on the edge of ah awful smash, and may involve our country in its ruin. If universal Nationalisation is to be secured at once, how do your propose to compensate capitalists? You don't .intend to plunder their property, as Lenin and Trotsky do, though a miner M'.P, proposed so doing. How is the forthcoming Labour Budget going to find another £8,000,000,000: Is it to be more paper money, and trie loaf to go up to 2s? It. will hurt you more than me. . A DELUSIVE CRY. "I am a very old man, and I shall not live to see that chaos. But sixty years ago I stood side by side with the great founders of trade union freedom raid power, who won the legal and the economic strength of the labour cause. They worked nobly with lawful, moral, and wise methods, r.nd would indignantly reject trickery, plunder, or violence. I was proud to be their comrade. I have notchanged my opinions. All through the last half-century I fought for shorter hours (a seventeen-hom- day), ior free education, for- the Workrn&n's right of franchise, of government, of leisure, and of honour. Neither I, nor my family, blong to the employer class. We are merely brain workers, neither right honourable, nor M.P.'r,. Ism a simple citizen; outside of all parties, with nothing to gain or to lose. But, if it be my last word. I wish to raise my voice against a- delusive cry that,may plunge industry into widespread ruin." It will be remembered that Mr. Harrison was one of the earliest and most devoted supporters of trade unions, whose cause he championed over -fifty years Ago, when tlieir leaders were still liable to prosecution. It was in no small degree due t<> his untiring efforts and brilliant advocacy that the unions achieved je.TOJ emancipation, and that the right of combination was assured to labour.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19200611.2.12

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume XCIX, Issue 138, 11 June 1920, Page 2

Word Count
946

BRITISH WORKMEN Evening Post, Volume XCIX, Issue 138, 11 June 1920, Page 2

BRITISH WORKMEN Evening Post, Volume XCIX, Issue 138, 11 June 1920, Page 2