Evening Post. THURSDAY, MAY 31, 1917. FIGHTING THE MENACE TO FREEDOM

Evening Post, Volume XCIII, Issue 129, 31 May 1917, Page 6

Evening Post. THURSDAY, MAY 31, 1917. FIGHTING THE MENACE TO FREEDOM

Canning's much-quoted phrase about calling the New, World into existence to redress the balance of the Old continues to receive fresh illustration every day. President "Wilson kept the United States out of the great struggle as long as he could. He was anxious to play the part of peace-maker and not of combatant, and the persistence with which he clung to that ideal through more than two years of discouragement and provocation is now being compensated for by the energy with which he and his countrymen are throwing themselves' into %he fight, and the immense addition of material and; moral strength which their accession has brought to the Allies. The enthusiasm of the American nation has completely silenced .the voice of the constitutional purisms who, having learned nothing during the last three years, would still claim for their country the same isolation from Old World politics which was a natural' ideal when the great Republic was founded. No better answer,, could be given to these impracticable theorists than that given in his great Message to Congress by the man who with almost, superhuman skill had maintained his country on the tight-rope of neutrality for two years and a-half. " Neutrality is no longer feasible or de- ; sirable," said President Wilson, " where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments backed by organised force, which is controlled wholly by their will, and not by the will of the people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances."

It is interesting to note that the neutrality which President Wilson has found it impossible to maintain would not have been maintained by. the man who is commonly quoted as the champion of American isolation. In the very Message which formulated the doctrine now bearing his name, President Monroe said: " In the wars of the European Powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparations for our defence." The monstrous invasion of American rights which was effected by the German autocracy would clearly have been resented by the-prbpounder of the Monroe Doctrine in exactly the same way as President Wilson has resented it. It Was only ao long as the wars of European Powers related solely to matters of their own domestic concern that Monroe, like Washington and Hamilton, stood for non-intervention. The developments in the southern half of the American Continent make it interesting to recall the circumstances in-which the Monroe Doctrine was propounded. The rebellion o£ the Spanish colonies in South America had been crowned with success, and Spain was contemplating an attempt to reconquer them when President Monroe spoke. Such an interposition on the part of a European Power in the affairs of the American Continent could not be tolerated by the United States. Such was the gist of his famous Message, delivered in 1823. Canning's boast, quoted at the beginning of this article, was made in the King's Speech of 1826, and referred to' the determination of England to prevent any other European Power from succeeding where Spain had failed. One of the countries which incidentally got the benefit of both the Monroe Doctrine and the Canning Doctrine, was Brazil, which had^declared its independence of Portugal in 1822. While Greece and Bulgaria in the parts which they have played in the present war have belied the circumstances of their origin and betrayed the hopes of their creators, it is some compensation to find that Brazil promises to reverse this unnatural process by fighting side by side with the two Powers which fostered her infa*nt liberties against the Power which seeks to Jord it over the whole world.

To the "United States and Brazil, as New World nations which are helping to redress the balance of the ,01d World, must be added one which had been engaged for more than two' years /in the task before either of the others thought of moving. Throwing to the winds the doctrine which some of her statesmen had borrowed from her great neighbour— viz., that European quarrels were no affair of hers—Canada leapt into the fray as eagerly as if she had been an English county. She had not been consulted about the policy which led up to the war any more than the other Dominions, but like them she felt that it was her quarrel, and that all that she valued was staked upon the issue. At Ypres and at Vimy Ridge. Canadian.valour has made a mark upon the military annals of the Empire and the world which can never be effaced, but whether she can continue to play the same great part is a matter which depends upon whether the Dominion can supply adequate reinforcements for its brave men at the front.. ]?or a long while recruiting has been at the same dead-end in Canada whioK it had reached both ml Britain and in New Zealand under the system, and at which it still sticks under the same system in Australia: But, after vainly straining every nerve to get what Is needed by voluntary methods, the Canadian Government has wisely determined to give compulsion a trial. The example

of the United States, and'we may,surely add without presumption the example of New Zealand, have doubtless strengthened Sir Robert Borden's determination to take this course, and with the loyal co-operation of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who held aloof on a previous occasion, the success of the experiment should be assured. Another. factor which should help to screw Canadian patriotism up to the sticking-place is the visit of Mr. Baliour, which has taken place at the best possible moment.