TO THE COLOURS

Evening Post, Volume XCI, Issue 137, 10 June 1916, Page 9

TO THE COLOURS

EVERY MAN REQUIRED

COMPULSORY SERVICE

WHY IT IS NECESSARY.

BILL READ A THIRD TIME.

Big things were done in the House

of Representatives yesterday, culminating in the early hours of this morning. The Military Service Bill was put througTi its final stages, which means that the House has affirmed the principle that every man of military age and fitness shall be liable to be called up for service. The Bill has had

an arduous process through its second

reading and Committee stages, and the third reading stage was not without its incidents. Throughout the progress of the Bill has been watched with tho keenest interest by members of the public, and it ha-s been evident that members and visitors felt the full significance of the measure. Continuing his remarks after The Post had gone to press yesterday, Mr. Isitt contended that nothing could have done so much harm to the Labour cause as the tactics of the Labour Party in opposing the passage of the Bill through tho House. If unionists could be called out by a union on behalf of economic reform, it was still more reasonable that men should be called out in the cause of Empire. "When the sword of the Iff"" is at the throat of Empire sentiment cuts very little ice," said Mr. Isitt, who contended that the Dominion had no right to encourage married men to enlist while we 'had 40,000 men upon whom we could draw Our first duty was to send" men ■to assist our own boys who were beckoning to us to carry out the struggle that they had commenced. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, ho said that the. National Government had not been as resolute, as prompt and. fearless, in connection with its demands upon wealth, in its restrictions on wasto and leisure, in its efforts to minimise Ui'B high cost of living, as it should .'.iave been. (Applause.)

A WHOLE-HEARTED SUPPORTER.

Mr. Wilford said he was a wholehearted supporter of compulsory service, and he urged the necessity of keeping up our supply of men during the present crisis. Every man could prove his belief in the voluntary system by enlisting, and no one heed come under the compulsory clauses of the Bill. All

traditions of party and Empire and political consideration had been swept to tho winds by the big guns. All tha,t mattered was the carrying of the war to a successful conclusion. The Bill

was an antidote to unpreparedness, and

a provision to ensure that our gaps were filled and the men sent forward. The alternative was that we should be an

appanage of Germany, and for that reason ! he believed that compulsion was absolutely necessary. Parliament was practically giving the National Government carte blanche and a blank cheque, because the success of the Bill depended on ths constitution of the Appeal Boards, ] which must consist of men of tact and judgment and of men who could not be swayed. If sons of the wealthy were allowed to escape their obligations the country would take on itself to see that there was a fair and square deal to all. Appeal Board sittings should be open to j the public. No one's liberty was in I danger. The only thing in danger was a. man's liberty to evade his national responsibility. (Hear, hear.) To those ■who spoke about the " liberty of the subject" he would ask if they preferred being slaves of Germany. Surely the obligation of service was not too great for the privilege of living under the British flag. Everywhere he had found the country clamouring for compulsory service as the only fair and equitable means of obtaining enlistment. As' to conscientious objectors, he said he was the son of a Quaker, and his experience was that every Quaker he knew wanted his sons '■ to go. In France there were 20,000 ecclesiastics fighting. A member : 30,000. "TOO LATE." Mr. Wilford said that the Government had been late with the Bill; it had followed a "wait and see" policy, which was dangerous. In conclusion, he again pressed the necessity of a compulsory scheme, as being necessary for national preservation. Such a Bill as this should have been passed last session, but the country now was calling for it, and he believed it was the fairest possible solution of the recruiting system. Dr Newman thought ths Bill would be very much improved by setting up a Central Tribunal of final appeal, which had been found necessary in England. A serious blot on the Bill was the^ right. given to the police to "run in" anyone at their own sweet will. As to the general principles of the Bill, he said it was only designed for thosis who would not go. He knew of a case in which a man would not go. Ab soon as the Bill was introduced he "found religion," with a view to claiming exemption_ as a religious objector. When asked if he would rather see his wife and daughters outraged than go to the war, he said "Yes." (Sensation.) He hoped that the Government would see that the case of every religious objector b» cartsfully enquired into. The country was as much in its favour as was the House. He also suggested that men should not ba rejected on account of bad teeth. They should bo sent into camp, and have their teeth looked to there. Otherwise a great many shirkers \vould escape. He believed that the Bill would act as a spur to the idle and neglectful, and that for many months thure would be no need to put it into operation. He added that the Government should give the people a lead as to the course that should be pursued for getting the best out of the Dominion. Mr. Massey : They will get it all right. ■ EMPIRE FIRST. Mr, Poole contended that the principle of the Bill represented an organisation of manhood for the good of the Empire, aud that it provided foi utilising, first, the men best equipped for war. He hated conscription with all his heart, but the necessity of the Empire was the supreme consideration. He discussed the economic conditions of the Dominion, and their influences upon voluntaryism in recent months, and pointed out that the cost of living was abnormally high. There had been a leakage of recruits through the lack of local receiving camps. He expressed sympathy with Mr. Isitt's plea for exemption of religious objectors, and emphasised tha long- . established, consistent faith and conviction of the Society of Friends. Something should be done to prevent a system I of martyrdom. He would heartily support the principle of the Bill, but he hoped a great effort would be made to preserve the present system of recruiting. Mr M'Callum complimented the Minister and the House on the completeness of tiio Bill, but thought (he Minister j could thank the member* on his side of \ the House for the he'.p they had afforded.

Mr. Hindmarsh said the only question raised by the Labour Party was at to-

whether the time for conscription had or had not arrived." Their opinion, was that inoro could have been done than had been done under the voluntary system. The masses of the people had responded to the call as well as the classes, but how had the classes responded in regard to property ? How had the Massey Party dealt w'ith the call that greater sacrifices should have been demanded of wealth. The Government's response had been that a man must give his life if needs bo, but it had not said to the rich man thai he must give his purse to the country. It had shown that it could not administer the affairs of the country properly. "That is the lesson you have taught us," said Mr. Hindmarsh, warmly. He then strongly de-., precated_ the Government having power to appoint the members of boards, seeing what its history had been and the unpatriotic spirit it had displayed. After the way it had treated the soldiers and the way it had bungled affairs at Trentham, he'was absolutely frightened to give it power to appoint members of the boards.

The Hon. G. W. Russell rose to a point of order, and asked Mr. Speaker if the honourable member should address any member of the Government instead of the Speaker.

THE GOVERNMENT ATTACKED

Mr. Speaker replied that the hon. member must address the Chair.

Mr. Hindmarsh remarked that he was speaking of the constitution of the boards, which was a most important question. He urged that with such a. measure in force then; should also be organisation of resources. At the same time, seeing that Parliament had carried the Bill by such a large majority, he hoped that members would try to cooperate in making it a success. The Government should have gone about the matter in a wiser way. It would have been better had. the Bill been prepared earlier and allowed to circulate through the country. The Government had shown by its conduct that it was not fitted to carry on things on a large scale. Sonie of the members on his side of the House were so confident of this that they had given the Government a very, grave warning.

An accusation of incompetency was levelled against tho Government by Mr. P. 0. Webb, who said there could be nothing democratic about a measure that would drag away from their homes thousands of young man who had no say in the affairs of the country. . Mr. Wilford: Do you believe in compulsory unionism? Mr. Webb: "I am not speaking of compulsory unionism. We do not compel you to work in a certain place, but we say that if you decide to work in a particular industry you 'should sup port the privileges that had been obtained for that industry." The Government had sheltered itself behind the principle of compulsion that was going to make it impossible for a man to leave his dependents and his loved ones in anything like a state of decency. The BiU was causing a tremendous amount of friction and. feeling throughout the country.

Mr. Poland said the result of the voluntary system had been that whole families of sons had gone to the front, and whole families had been left behind: Had the compulsion system been brought into operation last session we would by now have had general compulsion, which was the only fair system in such & s crisis. That was the general opinion all over the country, and he believed that 80 per cent, of the Labour people throughout New Zealand believed in conscription, but they feared that wealthy men would be exempted while ( they were sent to the . front. They 1 feared the Boards of Appeal, and they thought they had good* reason for so I doing. The Government had been too dilatory in dealing with the men who went to the front and with the men who came back It was nothing but a scandal that a married man should only be given 6d a day allowance for each of his children. He contended emphatically that all claims for exemption should be heard in public. (Hear, hear.) A VIGOROUS DEFENCE OF THE BILL. Sir Joseph Ward, who made a vigorous defence of the Bill, said he had been absent from the previous debate owing •to illness. The bulk of the work of preparing the Bill had fallen on the Minister of Defence and the AttorneyGeneral. Defending the Bill, he showed by reference to Statute law that persons suspected of criminal practices can be arrested without warrant. A similar proposal in this Bill was inserted to enable the police to prevent anyone wilfully refusing to do his duty and let ; other people do the fighting for him. It was an insult to the working men to suggest that the clause was intended to get at any of them, or that it was intended to be a slur upon them. He contended that the Labour members in the House had no right to speak for the workers— the suggestion was a piece of presumpj tion. Mr. Payne: How about the Labour Conference? Sir Joseph Ward: "I do not think it represented the views of Labour in this country." He went on to say that the power of arrest by the police would only militate against the shirker and not against the man who had offered his services. At this stage Mr. Webb interjected a remark about war profits, which led Sir Joseph to retort: "Do these members suggest that war profits could be dealt with twelve months ago? Do they suggest that war profits are not being taxed ? They get bold of a/lip cry, a bogey, and try to ride it to death and try to elevate themselves on a rotten structure " Mr. Payne: Hear, hear! We're on a rotten structure all right! THE CRY OF "WAR PROFITS." | Sir Joseph stated that the critics of I the Bill did not know what it was pro--1 posed to do in the way of taxation this I session. I Mr. Webb : They ought to. j The Minister: "He calls out war proI fits and he knows that the war taxation I proposals are coming' Another j bogey advanced, even by supporters of the Bill, was that the compulsion proposals should have been brought down eighteen months ago Mr. Wilford: I said twelve months ago! Sir Joseph added: "Do not the hon- : ourable members realise that had this ■ measure been brought down twelve ' months aeo we could not have carried it 'in this House?" In the interval plat- ; form speakers had gone round the country educating the people and telling them that if the voluntary system failed then the compulsory system .would have to be resorted to. Bat not one of the opponents of the Bill had been found upon the platform Mr Payne : That is incorrect. Proceeding, Sir Joseph said that those who criticised the Bill had laid low and ! did not open their mouths in favour of supporting the men whom they were supposed to represent, and who had gone out from their situations to fight j for the country. Not only this, but they were causing dissatisfaction among a section of the men in this country by suggesting impossible conditions, and unless these impossible conditions were provided they were urging men not to go. Mr. Webb: You're absolutely wrong.

Sir Joseph added that after they had tried by their utterances to stop recruiting they came along and professed to oppose the provisions of the present Bill, while it was known that there was a weakening of the voluntary system, Another direct apglieaticu oi hoj? the w«k-

ing men of this country regarded their duty without waiting for any consideration as to how they were to be paid was the fact that 1800 men had gone from the railway service, 900 from the Post and Telegraph service, and 183 from the General Labourers' Union. Mr. Webb: What about the West Coa-st? LABOUR AT THE FROXT The Minister: "The West Coast has done magnificently, along with other parts of the country." All these men had gone under the voluntary system, many of them had fallen, and many had been wounded. Were the honourable members endorsing the action of these men by suggesting that the Government should not have the power which it would have when the Bill was placed upon the Statute Book—a power to say that these men were not going to be left in a position of doubt? Did the Labour members realise that when the powerful administration at Home was in danger of being wrecked the Labour representatives in the National Government there joined in the effort to preserve unity and to obtain the necessary number of men to maintain the liberty of the Empire. With every member of the Ministry he accepted the fullest responsibility of every clause in the Bill. (Hear, hear.) He believed it was the right thing to do, the honest thing to do, so that they might have a system by which, if necessary, the requisite number of men could be obtained to help to win the war. (Applause.) "THIS BIG ALBATROSS." Dr. Thacker said they had gone though a season of constructive criticism, and the Minister of Defence had accepted it in the spirit with which it was offered, with the result that the Bill had been distinctly improved. When he came to the House he was a pledged anticompulsionist, and he had contended, and would still contend, that if proper encouragement had been given to voluntaryism there would have been no need for the Bill. Had there been local receiving camps the results would have been very different. "And now," he said, " wo have this big albatross around our necks." All that could have been done for the volunteer had not been done, and it was now claimed that there was a necessity for compulsion. Mr. M'Combs quoted a returned soldier as' having said that " Volunteers, are wanted, not conscripts." He went on to say that all the Labour members had desired to do was to preserve the liberties they had gained in the past. He contended that the House had no mandate from the people to place this Bill on the Statute Book. LOOKING AHEAD. The Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey said he hoped the war would lead ,to a policy of preparedness on the part of Great Britain. Otherwise Great Britain would fall. (Hear, hear.) He went on to say that the last speaker appeared to be doing his best to cause unrest, not only among those who had not enlisted, but among those who were now in the ranks. As head of the Government, he thanked members for the manner in which they had received the Bill, which, be believed, had been improved. The Bill was designed to enable the country to place the whole of its efforts at the disposal of the Empire. Eecruiting had not failed, and he was proud to be able to say so, but they could not take risks. They did not know how long the war would last, and they had to look forward to the time when the voluntary system failed. The mere fact of the Bill being before Parliament had had a wonderful effect ,in stimulating recruiting. He hoped, however, that the clause relating to the "family shirker" would be brought into operation straight away. He had everywhere heard of such cases, and they were one of the most potent i-easons for the demand for this legislation. Mr. Wilford : We have to find the men. Mr. Massey : Yes, we have to find the men. Mr. Wilford : And the Kaiser won't wait. Mr. Massey expressed the belief that 90 per cent, of the people of the Dominion were in favour of the policy of the Government. What the Empire wanted was men and supplies. New Zealand had done very well so far. Mr. Payne : And made a big pi'ofit! ELIGIBLES MUST GET READY. Mr. Massey did not deny that there had been a profit, but it had to be remembered that the cost of production had increased. He believed that it was the duty of every fit man of military age to get ready for the conflict. It was certain that all the men of military age would be required. The fact that so many men had been withdrawn for the front was bound to affect the industries. He knew that the people of the country would do their best. Men in the "sere and yellow" had gone back to work, and the duty rested upon the men who had passed the military age and those who had not reached the military age to keep up the supplies for the Old Country. Mr. Wilford : All hands to the pump! Mr. Massey added that after the men the women would, be pressed into service to maintain the industries of ■ the Dominion. We had asked for a sum of money last year, and we would probably ask for more, and without wealth we could not raise, this money. But he ventured to say that if the war went on for several years there would bo no wealth in this country. The hon. member for Christchurch had said that a strong measure was necessary, but he (Mr. Massey) believed the present measure was one of the strongest in the Empire. A member: It's too strong for him ! The Prime Minister further stated tha-t the Government would stop at nothing A "DOUBTING THOMAS." Mr. Wilford: I wish I could believe that! Mr. Massey: " The hon. gentleman's name is Thomas, and Thomas was always a doubter." (Laughter.) He believed that the passing of the' Bill would have a very good influence on the other Dominions. History had shown that in all parts of the world there had been men who were willing to sit down in ease and comfort and let. other men do the work. He believed that the Bill would have the effect of inducing many thousands who would otherwise hang back to go along and offer their services to the military authorities. Where the State was in danger it had a perfect right to ask everyone who was fit and of military age to assist it. , Refening to Abraham Lincoln and the American Civil War, Mr. Massey read an extract to the effect that on 3rd March, 1863, the Senate bad passed a law providing for conscription, which had resulted in bitter abuse on the part of the opponents of the measure. The same thing was happening here. Tho Prime Minister then read an advertisement in an Auckland paper announcing that the opponents of the Bill in the House would address a meeting on Sunday, and strongly deprecated any attempt to stir up strife at the present time. (Applause.) Tho debate was carried on by Messrs. G. Witty and W. T. Jennings, who expressed satisfaction that (-he Minister had embodied the suggested amendments in tile Bill.

AN IMPROVEMENT URGED,

The Hon. G. W. Russell thought there should be an amendment to the Bil! to make provisions for those engaged in variouß industries, 'whose cervices were abeolutdy utcatay, m thai thty would

not be put in the position of having to make an individual appeal for exemption from service. Now we had begun the organisation of military service, it might be. necessary to organise for tho civil service—to cany on the industries of the country. In his opinion there were many thousands of men not fit for military service who could bo trained for country pursuits. The Bill recognised one common responsibility—that we should stand by our Allies and help to win the war. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the Bill would enable the people of New Zealand to more fully than ever express their patriotism and their determination to see the war through. AN EXPLANATION. Mr. R. Fletcher stated that he had not assisted in the alleged "stonewall" in the House the other afternoon, and explained his position in regard to the pairs on the lines of his letter which appeared in the Evening Post a few nights ago. He was against _conscription, the time for which had, he thought, not yet arrived. Exemption had already been claimed for tho producers, and if they were exempted the waterside workers would have to be exempted. The fact was that New Zealand had been too generous in its offer of men, and we would suffer in consequence. He considered that if the right thing had been done to the soldiers there would have been no difficulty about recruiting. If, he went on to say, they did not get the proper men' on the Appeal Boards, there would be a great deal of trouble. He should vote against the Bill because he had always been against conscription. He had no mandate from his constituents on the subject, and he considered that the House should have had a direction from the people before the Bil! was put through.

NBAEING THE END. Mr. R. W. Smith voiced his support of the Bill.

The.Jßbn. A. M. Myers took exception to the statement by the member for Wellington Central that we were attempting too much. It appeared to him that members did not realise the magnitude of the task in front of the AlEes. This .war was a righteous war and was being waged on behalf of civilisation. He objected to the suggestion that New Zealand had offered to do more than her share. Greater sacrifices might be demanded,, and he wa-s sure that in that case New Zealand would do all that was required. (Applause.)

TAXATION NOT HEAVY ENOUGH,

Mr. Ell expressed the belief that the various quotas would be provided without having recourse to the measure, which, however, was necessary in view of possible difficulties. As to taxation, he pointed out that the Customs tariff and income tax had not been touched.. The whole of the additional taxation had been imposed on the rich people, many of whom complained that it was not heavy enough. Mr. Payne, dealing with conscientious objectors, held that Plymouth Brethren and Quakers should be exempted from service.; provided it was established that they held their views prior to the war. In reply to the suggestion that there should be harmony in the House, he said there could be no harmony while the Government allowed only one class —the profit-mongers—to screw the last possible penny out of the masses. AVhen we ■ could not get men -under the voluntary system then let us have a system under which everyone would be on the same footing. Mr. 0. A.' Wilkinson supported the Bill. MINISTER'S BEPLY. The Minister commenced his reply to the debr.-te at 2 a.m.. He expressed pleasure at the fact that there had been no political feeling evinced in the consideration of the Bill. A very ■ large proportion of the people of New Zealand' had demanded such a Bill, but ho believed that the attitude taken up by a section of the House would lead to dissension, at a time when dissension was dangerous to the nation. He believed that sensible boards would listen to the appeals of reasonable conscientious objectors, and the figures of service showed that even Quakers did not wish to evade service. All of them were anxious to prevent evils which hindered the progress of the military system, but he believed the legislation to be brought down would do away with a great deal of the criticism that had been directed against the Bill. As to the Appeal Boards, he assured the House that the greatest care would be taken in forming them of strong, earnest men, uninfluenced by any other consideration than that of doing the best for the community. They would be civil and not military. Tn general, the enquiries before the boards would be public. There might, however, be exceptions. Mr. Witty : That won't mean evasion? The Minister: Certainly not. That would be against the principle of the Bill. Replying to Labour members, he said he believed that if Mr. Hindmarsh had to take up his attitude again it would be very difficult. He (the Minister) contended that tlie Bill got nearer to equality of sacrifice than the voluntary system, which was unfair and inequitable, and produced gross inequalities. The National Government had faced all the difficulties in connection with this Bill, and had brought down the best, that was in them. As to the sugestion that New Zealand had offered too many men, he said that New Zealand had not done what the Motherland had done, and there were very few men and women who would not do more if required. New Zealand was dear to he all, and we should be glad to see at the .end of the war that our quota was equal to that of any other part of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) The Bill was a Bill to induce voluntaryism. He hoped that no member of Parliament who was opposed to the Bill would ever be regarded a friend of the Germans. The Minister concluded his speech in reply at 2.35 a.m. On division, the third reading was carried by 44 to 4. The announcement that the Bill ha<l been carried was received with applause, and followed by the singing of "God Save the King." The four who voted against were Messrs Payne, M'Combs, Webb, Fletcher. Pairs — For .-Ward, Newman. Against: Walker, E. Newman.

The Bill then passed, and the House rose at 2.45 a.m.