A CRUCIAL TIME

Evening Post, Volume XCI, Issue 4, 6 January 1916, Page 8

A CRUCIAL TIME

ON THE EVE OF A GREAT

OCCASION

THE FATE OF VOLUNTARYISM

0 LONDON SIMMERING WITH

EXCITEMENT.

MR. ASQUITH'S SPEECH IN THE

COMMONS,

(By Telegraph.—Press Association.—Copyright.) (Received January 6, noon.) LONDON, sth January. There^ is no need to doubt that the country is on the evo of a great occasion, and the House on the eve of amomentous decision. London is simmering with excitement and is gradually working up to a climax. Everyone is asking himself what will be the fate of voluntaryism? Will the House docilely accept the Cabinet's decisions? Will the Labonr Conference be convinced, after the speeches of Mr. Asquith and others ? Even, the Cabinet decisions remain in doubt. It is belioved that the final steps of the Cabinet will not be settled until the eleventh hour. The excitement is infectious. There is the most animated spectacle at Westminster, where the public is watching the arrival of prominent politicians. " The lobbies are crowded. Lord Derby and Lord Islington are among the numerous Peers in the gallery of the House of Commons. Sir John Simon occupied a seat in the second row above the gangway, from which Mr. Churchill bade farewell to the House. A PAINFUL SENSATION Mr. Tennant r(Under-Secretavy for War) caused a painful sensation in the crowded House by announcing the casualties at Loos as being 2378 officers and 57,288 men. Mr. Asquith was cheered when he rose and introduced the Military Service No. 2 Bill. He commenced with a whole-hearted eulogy of the patriotism revealed by the Derby figures. NO CASE FOR GENERAL COMPULSION Mr. Asquith said that the Derby results had convinced our allies and enemies that the people of the United Kingdom had their heart in the war, and were prepared to meet any call. Speaking for himself, he was of opinion that no case had been made out for general compulsion. The present Bill could be sincerely supported by those who, either from principle or as in his own case, on the ground of expediency, were opposed to conscription. THE PLEDGE TO THE MARRIED MEN The pledge had been given to married men because there was overwhelming evidence that the unmarried were holding back in large numbers. If that assu.-. j.nce had not been given, the whole campaign would have broken down: When the pledge was given there were no signs of protest or remonstrance, and the effects were very considerable. The figures showed that nearly 3,000,----000 men had come forward. (Cheers.) The recruits available immediately numbered over a million. These wonderful and encouraging results showed that the country was prepared for any call for a sustained effort and continuous self-sac-rifice. (Cheers.) VOLUNTARYISM v. COMPULSION There had been considerable controversy in the autumn whether the people | could best do their duty by the country by preserving voluntaryism or by some form of general compulsion. These differences of opinion had penetrated to the Cabinet. He believed that the differences still existed. Personally, he. would be no party to a Bill providing for general compulsion. Mr. Asquith said he should have been glad if he could have done without the Bill; but though a keen supporter of voluntaryism, he considered it necessary.

Not only Lord Derby, but tho employers of labour and the voluntaiy canvassers, gave him overwhelming evidence that his pledge was necessary, and showed that married men 'who were willing and anxious to servo, were holding back in large numbers before they committed themselves, needing the assurance that the singles would do their duty. Unmarried men generally were better soldiers than the married, because the latter generally had more responsibilities. If no assurance had been given there would have been serious danger of the whole campaign breaking down, and' where should we have been then? AN IMPORTANT DEFICIENCY Mr. Asquith said he had never thought, perhaps because he was too sanguine, that the contingency contemplated by the pledge would be realised. He had hoped and believed that it would not; but he had to face the fact, and if he was forced to confront the same situation again he would take precisely the same course. There were 650,000 unmarried men who were not accounted for. While he was prepared to make large deductions, he was totally unable to treat this figure as anything but substantial and considerable. Mr. Asquith added that Sir John Simon thought the figure could be reduced to an inconsiderable quantity. He did not'" share this view. Therefore there were, only two ways in -which the pl«l«n could be fulfilled. Firstly, _it would be possible to release the married men, numbering 400,000. Mr' Asquith said this would create a'huge gap in the scheme, which provided the million men voted the other day. THE SCOPE OF COMPULSION The second course was to provide that single men of military age, who had no ground ior exemption or excuse for not, doing their duty to the State in times like this, should he treated as though they had attested and enlisted. This cour.se was taken. The Bill was confined to the pledge given under the Derby scheme, and was therefore limited to Great Britain. It came into operation on the 21st December, the: day after the Bill was passed, . and lasted during the period of the war. It only applied to British subjects who, on. the 15th August, had attained the age of 18, and not more than 41, and only to unmarried men or widowers without children. EXEMPTIONS UNDER THE BILL The exemptions under the* Bill included men not originally resident in Great

Britain, or resident there for educational or other special purposes, men in Holy Orders, regular ministers of any denomination, and conscientious objector* to combatant service. (Dissent.) Mr. Asquith said he was very sorry U> hear expressions of dissent and derision. He pointed out that Pitt and his successor, in enforcing the militia ballot, expressly exempted people, who had conscientious objections, such as Quakers. Oar Australasian and South African fellow subjects who had adopted compulsory military service included these ex- J ceptions with the best results. Indeed, he believed that the words proposed in the Act 'Were taken from the colonial Acts on these grounds. They had been carefully devised to meet all cases of possible hardship, and to secure that none came under the obligations of the Bill unless they had .manifestly no reasonable gronnd for not responding to the country's rail. The exemptions also included those suffering from ill-health or physical infirmity, men engaged in work of national importance, and men with dependents. Mr. Asquith said that exemption was also granted in cases in which a familyhad sent three or more sons to the war. Perhaps they had been wounded or killed, leaving a single unmarried son. It would be monstrous injustice to call such a man. Certificates might also be granted to any Government Department for its employees after consultation with the War Office. APPEALS TO TRIBUNALS The Bill proposed that a service tribunal should be set up in each local registration area., and a laj-ger appeal tribunal in the bigger areas, with final appeal to a central body In London. He hoped the. Bill would be passed with something in the nature of general assent. He was sanguine enough to anticipate this would be the fortune of the Bill when its provisions were clearly understood. Would any. sympathy, he asked, be felt towards young men who did not recognise their national and moral obligation at this time of great distress?