THE UNITED STATES & THE WAR

Evening Post, Volume LXXXVIII, Issue 37, 12 August 1914, Page 6

THE UNITED STATES & THE WAR

" Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just." This gem of Shakespeare has been parodied by a smart Yankee, who ha 3 added to it something about the superior advantages of getting " a j blow in fust " ; but at heart the Americans are a justice-loving people, and they are able to take a detached and impartial view of the moral problem presented by the present war. That their verdict is in favour of Belgium and Britain — German-American circles excepted — has already been intimated ; and, indeed, it could hardly be otherwise. How could the champion of the oppressed (which role the United States has always loved to play) side with a nation that has trampled on a small State whose independence and neutrality it had solemnly guaranteed? How could the Bird of Freedom fly in company with that other eagle — the German one— whose first prey is the most inoffensive chicken on the roost? Americans are too clear-headed to be imposed on by any of the hypocrisy that has appeared in the Berlin press and in the Kaiser's theatrical manifestoes. Quite apart from considerations of blood and friendship,, the great bulk of public opinion in the United States finds Britain in the right and Germany in the wrong, and the sympathy of the Americans will be with the Belgians in their, desperate fight for their national independence. That is 'not the only reason why the good wishes of the United States will not be given to the aggressors in the European conflict. There is room in the world for both the British Empire and the Monroe Doctrine"; but, if Germany dominated Europe, the possibility of Monroeism and Pan-Germanism coexisting may well be~ doubted. More than once the Admiral of the Atlantic — as the Kaiser once dubbed himself — has shown a disposition to break a lance with Pan- Americanism, and German designs in South and Central America have never been very closely veiled. Indeed, the War-lord would, in the long run, brook no rival in either hemisphere. Americans know well the drift of Teutonic worid-poHcy, and the Germans, in return, have anticipated the opposition of the United States. In "PanGermanism," by Professor R. G. Usher, appears a statement that, under a secret unwritten agreement made between .America and the, Entente Powers, "in case of a war begun by Germany or Austria for the purpose of executing Pan-Germanism, the United States would promptly declare in favour of England and France, and would do her utmost to assist them." No doubt this secret agreement is a figment) of the imagination, but the quoted passage correctly anticipates the inevitable conflict between German world-policy and the Monroe Doctrine. Already it has been disclosed by the British Prime Minister that Germany aimed, in the present crisis, at appropriating the French colonies. That in itself would have given the Kaiser holding- ground in South America (French Guiana), and where the German foot is planted it never remains still, provided that the mailed fist is in readiness to strike. In the gpeat war forced upon. Europe by Austro-German aggression, Britain does not seek the armed aid of the United States. It is, however, of the utmost importance that the maintenance of American neutrality should be an the strictest lines ; and the Mother Country, relying on the justice of its quarrel, and on the high moral 'standard to which President Wilson has elevated the policy of Washington, looks confidently to an administration that will prevent the use of American ports for belligerent purposes. So far the attitude of Washington has been worthy of the sense of justice and dignity that animates the great mriss of Americans. President Wilson's declaration, that he will prohibit the departure of foreign merchant ships that are carrying reservists, or that have been converted to war uses, is eminently correct; and the application of this principle to the mammoth German liner Vaterland, now equipping in New York as a, raider, will be viewed with satisfaction in every capital except Berlin and Vienna. So, also, will be the compulsory closing of the New Jersey and other wireless stations that advised German cruisers of the whereabouts of British liners. In the Paris Figaro, M. Hanotaux, a former Foreign Minister of France, has made a further claim on the good offices of neutral Powers. He suggests that they should form a committee of enquiry to watch, for any violation of international law, and to protest against incendiarism, pillaging, and assassinations, j Naturally, the United States would bulk largest in such a neutral arbitrament, and M. Hanotaux proposes to enlist the services of publicists like President Wilson, Mr. Bryan, and Senator Root, and of pacifists like Mr. Andrew Carnegie. Germany can take no reasonable objection to these eminent gentlemen, with the exception, perhaps, of Mr. Carnegie. When his peace crusade was in progress Mr. Carnegie received come simulation of encouragement from the Kaiser, and the millionaire's bitterness of spirit at the new turn of events has lately vented itself in the bestowal upon his -Imperial acquaintance of the title of "Chief Destroyer of Europe." In this case, as in many others, the greater the truth, the greater is the libel : and the appellation fits so well that Mr. Carnegie may be regarded as automatically disqualified from sitting in judgment on Germanic conduct. America, however, could do a service to mankind by not only observing a atrict, nflutralittf kauelii Jam b^

uniting the neutral Power's in an organisation to compel compliance by the combatants with, the principle* of international law. Considering the existence of a strong German-American sentiment, and of the 'political habit of paaidering to sectional influences, th© general attitude of the more numerous branch of the Anglo-Saxon family is a matter for congratulation, and the conditions would appear to be not unfavourable to the realisation, of the French statesman's benevolent , scheme.