A WAR OF TITANS HISTORIC DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT

Evening Post, Volume LXXXVII, Issue 70, 24 March 1914, Page 7

A WAR OF TITANS HISTORIC DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT

BOLTS AND OLIVE BRANCHES. (From Our Own Correspondent.) LONDON, 13th February. Parliament did not waste much time, •at either end of the corridor, in registering once more its opinion of the Home Rule Bill, which is now in its final few months of probation. The King only opened Parliament on Tuesday afternoon. By the following evening the Commons had completed their debate on the amendment to the Address and had rejected by 78 votes a censure of the Irish proposals. The following night, again, the Lords, who usually "take things in a much more leisurely fashion, had also said what they thought, and in a House half full had declared by a majority of 188 against the Government. The atmosphere was very electrical. Before even the Speaker could read the Speech from the Throne, as a preliminary to the deba.te, Captain Craig, who is a typical Ulsterman, complained of the presence of many Nationalists on the benches occupied geneially by the Unionists. The debates were likely to be of a heated character, he said, and it would be "more for the dignity of the House if the Nationalist party were to take themselves across to the othei side, where they really belonged." The Speaker, to calm the Ulsterman, explained softly that as a matter of fact the House would not hold any more members than were present, and it was physically impossible for the Nationalists to go anywhere else. What the mover and seconder of the Address said did not matter at all. With a mere apology for taking no notice of them, Mr. Walter Long, ono of the few remaining pillars of the Old Guard of Unionists stood forward amidst loud rherriiig to move the amendment. ft was, in short, lo warn the Government of disaster if they did not get the verdict of a Uenerpl Election on the Home link 1 Bill. ilc said there was no precedent for so precipitately bringing on an amendment, but predominating and ovei whelming all else was the knowledge that for the lust lime for centuries was this couiuia tlnoatened with the woiit kind of internal disturbance — civil war. The Uovtrnmenl was beginning to realise that they would have to meet lorcc by force. That was the fiist truits _of the Parliament .Act. "Vuu «io tjoiiig iv cm,y y«ur lint great measure in Ireland by using

British ba>onets and British bullets." All arguments had fallen on deat oars. The people of Ulster were unshaken in theii determination. They had been driven to despeiation ; and that the Angel of Death had not already been nbioad in this dear land was due "to the calm, strong, fearless action, to the resolute brave leadership and continuous .self-sacrifice of Sir I'klward Carson.' 1 (Loud cheers.) lie implored the House not to drive these people to strike a blow in self-defence — a blow, which, "nee struck, could not be taken back. The Cniom'&t party believed civil war to be imminent, and it could not be confined to one part of Ireland. It would affect the United Kingdom and even distant paits of the Empire. "1 would only say that in my humble opinion it would be a crime of the first magnitude to use the forces of the Crown to shoot clown the people of Ulster, who will be fighting in defence of the same flag and their own religion." The Opposition would rather remain out of office for the rest of their lives than obtain political power at so terrible a cost. ,In conclusion Mr. Long -implored the Government to lay down its proposals without any delay. Mr. Asquith rose at once, amid vociferous Ministerial cheers and commenced in his calm, classical manner to reply. He firet used quotations to prove that the country knew quite well that Home Rule would be part of the Government programme, and that the Unionists from the beginning recognised the impossibility of Home Rule ( with_ Ulster left out. "1 myself made it perfectly clear,' 1 he said, "that the first use of the Parliament Bill would be to carry the Home Rule Bill. I ask, and aek tn vain, for someone to produce a British elector who voted, in the election of 1910 who *now alleges, that he has been deluded. Is there any evidence?" Candidates had honestly tried at by-elections to make Home Rule the dominant question ; but they had failed. What would a dissolution mean, besides the nullifying of the Parliament Act? If it resulted in what wae called stale-mate the- possibilities ot a settlement would not be any better, and "you would then be met with all tho hot blood of a fierce contest fresh and still effervescent." If the Unionists won they would have to govern three-fourths of Ire-land — perhaps tour-fifths — a people bitterly disappointed on the eve of the fruition of their long-cherished hopes. Captain Craig : It has been done before. Mr. Asquith : Ye 6, not with very good results. Suppose that wo obtain Ihe majority. Is Ulster then going to lay down her anne and acquiesce? Would tho British Unionists acquiesce in the passing of the Home Rule Bill? Have we any guarantee that the measure approved, by the electors would pass into law 't "I WILL USE NO LAST WORD." "1 think that the language used in the Speech from the Throne is language that ought to find an echo in every oorner of this House, and so far as I am concerned I shall use no last word in regard to this matter of. sevtlement." By whomsoever proposed, the exclusion of Ulster, Mr. Aequith said, was always l-egarded as a pis aller, not as a thing desirable in itself but as a means ot escape from more formidable evila. Wlial. he very much feared in any of the schemes wae that Ulster might b& made, in the years which lay immediately before us, the cockpit of contending factions. Sir E. Carson: I think, much more il it is included, will it become a cockpit. Mr. Asquith : Exclusion would make Ulster a battleground for contending factions to the distraction of the community and the diversion of their interest from matters of common concern. "If it could be accepted, I cay without a moment's hesitation I should b© per. t'ectly prepared to welcome tho inclusion of Ulster with the option of «ls exclusion after a, time. It is a plan, 1 put fot-> ward on high authority which deserves to be respectfully entertained. OUR RESPONSIBILITY. "We recognise to the full, as the situation has developed, that we cannot diveet ourselves of responsibility in this matter. I mean the responsibility of initiative in the way of suggestion. But I must make it perfectly clear that 'whatever steps we take must not be ! construed as an admission that there is anything unjust or nnstatesmanlike in the plan which this House has accepted. I cannot but think that it must be within_ the resources of British statesmanship. I cannot bolieva that we are reduced to such an insolvency of statesmanship that if we bring to 'the matter an honest mind, goodwill, and a determination to avoid the evils and dangers that lie before us, this problem will not yield to treatment." Mr. Moore, another Ulster member, testified that though an election should double the odds, against them it would not have any effect. They were determined to fight, whatever happened. ,The men of Ulster were perfectly able to secure exclusion, for themselves. " I GRATEFULLY ACKNOWLEDGE." Sir Edward Carson said the speech of the Prime Minister was "an absolutely disappointing speech. He outlined no proposals whatever. But he did take one step forward, and I gratefully acknowledge it, in his admission that it was now the duty of the Government to take the initiative. I cannot help thinking that what the Government are doing is manoeuvring for position. (Opposition cheers.) They are attempting to raise by generalities an atmosphere of reasonableness, knowing well that we can deal Avith nothing until we come down to the concrete ground and find ourselves faced with actual proposals in black and white. (Opposition cheers.) The position of the Irish Unionists in this House is an intolerable position, (Opposition cheers.) " You have driven these men into a covenant for their mutual protection. No doubt you have laughed at their covenant. Have a good laugh at it now. (Opposition cheers.) But there is something more Yon have itfsulted these men. The rank and file of his paity have taken every opportunity to jeer p.t these men, to brand them as braggarts and bluffers and cowards and all the rest of it. Don't you see that, having done, that, these men can never go back, and never will go back, and allow these jibes and insults and sneers to prove true ? II they arc not morally justified in resisting any attempt to drive them out, I do not see how resistance ever could be justified in history. We can never support a Bill which hands Unionists in the rest of Ireland over to tho tender mercies of their bitterest enwnies. We must go cm v.'halever happens, opposing tho Bill to the end. That we are entitled to do, «nd bound lo do. (Chepj.«.) If your suggestions try to rompcl these 2>eop)e to come into a Dublin Parliament, 1 tell you I shall, regardless of personal consequence. 1 ", go on with these people to the md in their policy of rpsiftance, (Oppposition cheers.) WIN THEIR AFKECTiON. ' " There arc only two way:-, of dealing v.ith Ulster. You mu«l oith<*r ocvi'Cv'. !n?r or you must tty U> chow tii.<! good government can coiiv under Homo Rule — try to v in hei over to the cause ff the vest of Ti eland. One false step taken in i 'latton to Ulster v.ill lendoi for eu-' 1 impo.--«ible the soli. lion <>i" the Irish qucstintt. I «ny to my .Viitioiuilibt fVllo'i-cO'intrymen and indeed al.-=o to the Government : Yon have never tried to win over Ulster You have novcv tried to tuidci ■stand hoi prwilion, 1 -^y to t!io h'tick-i of tins Js'tii UormJibt Party, if y«u waul .UJatW^

come and take her, or come and win her. But you have never wanted her affections ; you have wanted her taxep. "So far as I am concerned, I refuse, lo give any pledges as regards an election. How could I ? But I do say this about an election, that whatever party you belong to. you must reconsider the situation having regard to what the country has said. I hope t>eace may continue ,to the end. I know and have weiglied nil the horrors tint civil commotion may bring. It will not be my fault if resistance becomes nectary, but on my conscience I shall not refuse to join." (Loud cheers.)