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THE QUEENSLAND ELECTIONS.

The defeat of the Philp Ministry in the Queensland elections vindicates constitutional practice and justifies much that has been said by the critics of Lord Chelmsford. The Governor has been shown tho unwisdom of departing from the beaton track of vice-regal conduct. The self-governing States do not desire interference in their domestic concerns. Even when in political difficulty, they resent the high-handed exercise of an authority that properly has become nominal. The lesson will be digested elsewhere than at Brisbane, and may bo added to the body of precedents that prove- to tho Colonial Office tho Australasian democracy's resolve to choose its own way to salvation. Governor Chelmsford placed in office a Premier who i'epiesented a minoiity in Parliament, and whom Parliament plainly would dismiss, as it did dismiss, at the first opportunity. Parliamentary parties had boon settled at a general election held in May, 1906— little more than twelve months before the crisis; and there was no good warrant for believing that Mr. Philp had the confidence of tha country any jaoro than he had the confidence of Parliament. It was Lord Chelmsford's business to, support Mr Kidstou, whom the Parliamentary majority supported. The difficulty of Mr. Kidston'o position in Parliament was a, minor question. If tho means by which he proposed to overcome tho difficulty — by adding members to tho Legislative Council — seemed unwise, the Governor; was quite entitled to refuse assent. But there his title ended. It was then Mr. KMston'a right to appeal to the people- if he saw fit; and it was to him, and not to Mr. Philp, that the Governor should havo granted the Parliamentary dissolution. The Governor was misled. He placed in executive control his v own nominee instead of Parliament's; ' and now the popular vote has rejected the nominee that Parliament rejected. It is a »ecossary snub; and a valuable warning. The utility of the State Governor in Australia hae departed. Before Federation, he was .a necessary link between the colonial administration and the British. Now ho is a formal nullity. The Commonwealth Executive, through tho Governor-General, speaks for Australia; and State Governors have become anachronisms awaiting the besom of Time for removal. Their active interference, always deprecated, has become inlolorable; and it is fortunate that Queensland has sJlowil this so unmistakably. Fortunate, also, i 3 the clear evidence of Queensland's revolt against Brisbane domination. Tho four daily papers of Brisbane struggled bitterly to gain victory for Mr. Philp. He represented, by his personal history arid political associations, all that was wor&t in tho Parliamentary life of the State for twenty years— since- the Griffith andM'llwraith coalition paved the way for the train of scandals that culminated, but did not end, with the exposure of the Queensland National Bank and itr beneficiaries. Even Socialism might havo seemed preferable )o the success of a party so tainted with administrative corruption; and Mr. Kidslon, whatever his errors, stood signally for honasty. He stood for democracy ; bur, could not go to the 'extremes demand- j cd by Labour, which fought once more for its own hand. Foolishly ; as the figures show. Labour's gain of ceven seats is not tho important point ; the important point is that Labour is as far as ever from imposing its wjll upon the country. It has perpetuated the deadlock ; and it, can perpetuato the deadlock until opponents mergo their differences, and new leaders arise to be followed by a coalescing majority. That majority wilJ i show the effect of its Conservative leaven, and tho changes that Labour desires are likely to be still further retarded. If, as present c.ppearances indicate, Mr. Philp_ should be happily defeated in his own city, Townsvillo, it is possible that Conservatives and Librrnls may unite in this Parliament. If tho Conservatives should lose their illomened chief, there is httlo to hinder them from joining forces with the Liberals. With Labour persisting in the refusal of alliance, that junction is certain to come. The choice if an bofore : Liberal and Labour against Conservative, or Liberal and Conservative against Labour. Tho deadlock cannot continue indefinitely. And now, if Labour in Queensland were discreetly led, is Labour's chance to adopt the happy compromise of New Zealand ; to capture Parliament with a Liberal and Labour party ; and to do real work profitable to Labour instead of remaining an unavailing Iskniael to the end of

time. In the Assembly of 72 members, the Liberals are now credited .vith 25 supporters — a gain of one ; Labour with 25— a gain of seven ; and Conservatives with 20 — a loss of ton. Two members are classed doubtful That position cannot last. Sooner or later two of the piities will unite to cany on the busine?s of the State. But which two?

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19080206.2.64

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume LXXV, Issue 31, 6 February 1908, Page 6

Word Count
792

THE QUEENSLAND ELECTIONS. Evening Post, Volume LXXV, Issue 31, 6 February 1908, Page 6

THE QUEENSLAND ELECTIONS. Evening Post, Volume LXXV, Issue 31, 6 February 1908, Page 6

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