POLITICAL POINTS.
We have since the question was first raised by Mr. Chamberlain, steadily advocated its reference to a Royal Commission, and we believe with Mr. Ritchie that, had this course been adopted, there would have been no break up of the Government or of the Unionist Party. We trust, however, that if such a Royal Commission is appointed, Ireland, which has suffered probably more than any other portion of the United Kingdom from the system of free imports, will be properly represented upon it. — Irish Times. No doubt, many Irish Unionists have been profoundly dissatisfied with the con- 1 duct of the Executive in Ireland during the past nine years; but is it possible to believe that any of them will seek a remedy such as Lord Dunraven's Committee has promulgated as an eirenicon to bind together races, classes, and creeds in a healthy and moderate development of Irish national life? What this policy amounts to is_ nothing more nor less than the revival, in a slightly weakened and thinly-disguised form, of Mr. Gladstone's fatal enterprise of 1886, under colour of an extension of local self-government. It is a very cheering circumstance that the Liberals of the City of London have decided to contest both the Parliamentary seats at the next general election (says London Chronicle). Mr. Herbert Tritton, an emintnt banker, has been adopted as candidate by the City of London United Liberal Association, and it is expected that another gentleman, also occupying a distinguished position in the commercial world, will be associated with him as colleague. The City Liberals will enter upon the fight with every prospect of success. It is to Free Trade that London owes its position as the greatest mart in the world, and there is no part of the British Empire which is more vitally interested in the preservation of England as a great free market than the square mile of the city. Lord Londonderry, speaking ai a Primrose League gathering at Wynyard Park recently attributed the electoral disasters which had befallen the Unionists in the by-elections to the dissensions in the party on the question of fiscal policy, and urged that all that should be required of Unionist candidates was their adherence to the policy laid down by the Prime Minister at Sheffield in October last. A note of warm approval pervades the opinions we have so far received from colonial representatives on the scheme suggested in the St. James's Budget for concentrating colonial interests in London under one roof (says that paper). At present the offices of the various AgentsGeneral are all in separate establishments, half of them being dotted about various parts of Victoria-street, while the rest are scattered all over London. The advantages of uniting them all in one large building in a central position would be manifold. Not only would business interests bo facilitated, but the great Imperial side of colonial representation would receive a much-needed emphasis and encouragement. The only objection so far raised — that of cost — is not a serious one. Each of the Governments concerned is at present paying a pretty heavy rent, and the opportunities for cooperation afforded by this scheme would probably tend to save rather than increase expense. The success of the Independent Labour Party in confusing issues, upsetting calculations, and incidentally annoying Labour, has inspired a few temperance revolutionists with the idea of forming an Independent Temparance Party, which is to take no heed of Conservatives or Liberals as such, but to give faith to candidates who are tempurance first and not much else afterwards. It is a great scheme, and should appeal strongly to those who imagine that drunkenness is the only political evil. How great it is may be judged from the following sentence irom the circular of proposals : — "When temperance men of all parties forsake blind, political partisanship, and by their solidity, independence, and determination show that their electoral support is worth having, the Liberal Party will begin to fulfil some of its promises, and the Conservative Party to consider schemes of temperance reform which have the thorough support of the temperance reformer." We may add (says an English weekly) that when temperance men show all these virtues, something more than all these results will ensue. The millennium will arrive . without further notice. Prince Obolensky, the new Governor- ' General of Finland, has announced his arrival at Helsingfors in a speech which for 'brevity, concision, and subtle meaning would do credit to Julius Caesar. It amounted to this :— "Gentlemen, if your behaviour is in accordance with my views of what Finnish behaviour should be, •you will rest in peace; if not, you will discover that I have a hard fist." The manner is the manner of Caesar, the spirit that of Simon Legree; and considering mat the audience was not composed of slaves but of members of the Senate, representatives of the University, and journalists, the speech was not only in bad taste but founded on a narrow conception of a bad policy. It is a pity that Prince Obolensky confines his imitation of Roman rule to Russian terseness of language (says St. James's Budget). With the fate of General Bobnkoff before him, he might with advantage have been more conciliatory. But that would not have been in accordance with precedent. The servants of Russia seem bent on hastening the inevitable revolution. Lord Dundonald writes as follows to The Times:— "The correspondents in Canada of one or two newspapers published in the United Kingdom have stated that I have been offered by the Conservative party in Canada a nomination for the county of Glengarry at the approaching election, and furthermore that I had accepted. Will you allow me to state through your columns that there is not a word of truth in the report?" At the conference of the United Irish League in New YOrkV O rk last month Mr. Redmond made a speech in which he said:— "Landlordism still exists in Ireland, but only as a. condemned murderer awaiting execution. Ten or 15 years will see it extinguished through the votes of the English parties and through. English money. Prejudice against Home Rule is dying out. It is generally accepted that, if representative government is to be continued, England will fiud it necessary to make concessions to Ireland. It is also understood that, if there is ever to be an Anglo-Saxon alliance, it will be absolutely necessary to grant Home Rule to Ireland first." While referring to those who disagreed with him a voice interrupted:— "To Hell with the Clan-na-Gael and Orangemen." Great coiifussion ensued. Mr. Redmond retorted: — "To Hell with no honest Irishman. My friend says, 'To Hell with the Clan-na-Gael.' F.u- be it from me to tolerate such an expression. As for Orangemen, they are mistaken Irishmen, but still Irishmen. Shall we drive them from Ireland? No; educate them. Parnell saw that Ireland could not afford to lose a single son. That is true to-day." In a speech which he delivered at Quebec recently, Lord Minto told_ his hearers that he loved to look upon the Plains of Abraham, hallowed as they were by time and rich in historic association. Vandalism, he continued, seemed to be inserting its wedge, and the glorious battlefield was in danger of being sacrificed. Improvements were well enough in their way, but there was such a thing as too ruthlessly destroying old landmarks. He assured his hearers that he had no sympathy with the vandalism to which he referred. This obvious condemnation of the Government's action m handing over a portion of the battlefield for the erection of an unsightly £ ritory hm given riae to muh comment.
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Bibliographic details
Evening Post, Volume LXVIII, Issue 98, 22 October 1904, Page 12
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1,276POLITICAL POINTS. Evening Post, Volume LXVIII, Issue 98, 22 October 1904, Page 12
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