IRISH REFORM ASSOCIATION.

Evening Post, Volume LXVIII, Issue 98, 22 October 1904, Page 9

IRISH REFORM ASSOCIATION.

The Irish Land Conference Committee has been reconstructed, with Lord Dunraven as its President, under the title of the; Irish Reform Association, and its programme was formally made public on Tuesday. Ttie aim of the Association is defined as "the promotion of a union of 'all moderate and progressive opinion, irrespective of creed or class ; to discourage sectarian strife and class animosities; to co-operate in recreating and promoting industrial enterprise; and to advocate all practical measures of reform." The manitenance of the Parliamentary union between Great Britain aad Ireland is regarded as essential, but "we believe that such union is compatible with the devolution to Ireland of a larger measure of local government than she now possesses." The report further condemns the system of financial administration as wasteful and inappreciative of Irish needs, and believes it could be amended by a decentralisation of localisation of Irish , finance, which would conduce to efficiency of administration without sacrificing Imperial control; recommends the extension to Ireland of the system of ' private Bill legislation so successfully worked in Scotland, and the remodelling and co-ordinating of the whole system of education ; and pledges the Association to forwarding me policy of land purchase on the lines of the Land Conference Report, and co-operation in any practical proposals' for the suitable provision of the housing of the labouring classes. We may say here, that, while the programme of the new Association's general aim and spirit are admirable, the effusion with which it has been greeted in Nationalist quarters necessitates a more precise definition of the reference to devolution. THE FISCAL QUESTION. Lord "Londonderry, addressed a Primrose League meeting at Wynyard Park, Stock-ton-on-Tees, last Saturday, and dealt at length with the fiscal question in relation to the Unionist Party. , If the dissensions and disunion at present existing were allowed to continue, Unionists ' most look forward to a general election, come when it might, with the greatest possible apprehension. He traced this state of affairs to the sudden launching, like "a bolt from the blue," of the fiscal policy fifteen months ago, atvd lie was convinced that the byelections since that date' had, been lost owing to the dissensions and bitterness ol feeling existing between the two extreme ■sections — the- "whole-hoggers" and "freefooders" — which had been created by the initiation of that policy. If he" were asked what pledges should be extracted from a Unionist candidate, his reply was that they should insist on his adhering to. thepledges given in 1900 to maintain J>he union, and in regard to fiscal, policy, to the Government policy laid down by Mr. Balfour at Sheffield a year ago — viz., that the Government would never put a tax on food, and would reserve to themselves the right, whenever tney chose, to make a good bargain for themselves. In other words, Lord Londonderry advocates precisely the plan of campaign which is best calculated to promote tftat initial" defeat of tne Unionist Party on which Mr. Chamberlain counts for the ultimate triumph of a policy which Lord Londonderry disavows. ADOLPH BECK'S CASE. , In a letter in The Times of Monday Sir Forrest Fulton gives his version of the incidents of the Beck trial in 1896. 'He. points out that the question whether Beck was Smith was never in issue before the Court, and that the Crown Prosecutor, Mr. Avory, never attempted to prove a previous conviction. The charges stood on their own feet, and were proved b^ .independent evidence, which it was open to Mr. Beck to rebut by an alibi; but the only alibi called was in thfe Smith case, which Sir Forrest Fulton felt obliged to refuse as irrelevant. He points out that the jury convicted, and not the' Judge, and that they could only go on the evidence before them. The whole question turned upon the value of the evidence, and the most scrupulous of Judges and juries could not escape being deceived 'by "reckless or perjured testimony." Sir Forrest Fulton's letter solves one of the difficulties we raised last week, since it is now clear that the presumed identity Smith had; no Influence on the decision ; but the manner of collecting the evidence, and me subsequent mistakes of the Home Ofije, still await enquiry. While we are glad of the Recorder's explanation, we must protest against the 1 practice of a Judge defending his sentences by writing to the papers. It is an unwritten law that an English Judge should not engage in any public controversy, least of all a controversy regarding his own work. A Judge is like a constitutional Governor: if he is attacked, he should leave to his official superiors the task of his defence.