BRITISH AND FOREIGN NEWS. (SPECTATOR SUMMARY.)

Evening Post, Volume LXIV, Issue LXIV, 13 September 1902, Page 5 (Supplement)

BRITISH AND FOREIGN NEWS. (SPECTATOR SUMMARY.)

RUSSIA AND TRUSTS. It appcai-9 that the Russian Government, if it has not, formally proposed a. Conference on Trusts, has expressed the opinion that they might under certain circumstances constitute a menace for Europe, and therefore ought to be discussed by diplomatists. 'Ihe idea scorns to be that- the American syndicates with their vast capital, being protected by their monopolies at home, may enter any country, and by selling an article of necessity at prime cost, ruin the local pro ducers, in whose absence the prico of the article might be raised to any figure desired. The way to meet such an invasion, it is suggested, is for all Europe to combine to boycott tho invaders, who would then, muling no market, retreat dismayed. There is no doubt that a view of this kind is widely prevalent on- the Continent, and ha* even caught some statesmen, but surely it has very little foundation. The managers of American Trusts, however rich they may be, are trustees for their shareholders, and wish to ' make money, not to lose it; and the risk of lost would be very great. At first the consumer would benefit, and afterwards the moment a Government found its people suffering from a monopoly of this kind it would proclaim Free-trade in the threatened articlo, which would then flow in from the whole world. Where, then, .would be the Americans' profit? * THE EDUCATION DEBATE. The debates of Monday and Tuesday on the Education Bin were not very pleasant roadiag, though it was no doubt inevitable that a good deal of bitterness should arise on the discussion in Committee of Clause 7 — tho clause dealing with the management of schools. On Monday Mr. Balfour stated once again that the Government did not propose to alter the proportion of elected managers to denominational managers in the management of voluntary, schools. The position taken up by the political Nonconformists was very exactly defined by Mr. Balfour : "The militant Nonconformists would be content •with nothing except what they call popular* control and management of denominational schools." For the Government to yield on this point would be "mon■trotudy and utterly unjust." Mr. Balfour in the course of tho debate repudiated the suggestion that it was the intention of the Government to throw all religious education into the hands of the parsons, bu6 pressed tho poiitt that neither was it the. Government plan to undenominationalise the schools. Mr. Trovelyan, in a very reasonable speech, advocated the adoption of the New South Wales system, by which the public held absolute control of the schools, but which cnabfbd religious instruction to be given in all schools by teachers of different denominations. In Tuesday's debate the some point was taken up. In the course of the debate Mr. Balfour admitted that the fact of a denominational school being the only one within the reach of children in a considerable area was a hardship, and one that the Government Bill could only minimise. It was one oT the unfortunate results of our national religious divisions. The Government Bill, however, partially met the grievance by the power granted to the local authority J.o provide other denominational schools.Lord Hugh Cecil and Mr. Lloyd-George found common ground in this grievance, and Lord Hugh's promised amendment to the effect that different religious, teachers should be allowed to enter tho schools ond teach their different beliefs — tuo New South Wales system — secured Mr. LloydGeorge'a' approbation, provided- that it was applied all round. The Prime Minister, seizing the opportunity thus given him, declared what "be was one of those who thought that this difficulty might be met by permitting outsido denominational (teaching of all kinds in the school if a Jufficient number of parents desired it." rio was prepared to offer that the children of Nonconformist parents shoftld have teaching in accordance with the religious opinions of those parents. This offer is certainly not a vague one, despite the .opinion of Sir H, Campbell-Bannerman, and we would most strongly appeal to the Nonconformists to accept Mr. Balfour's proffered compromise, And so end the scandal of the perpetuarsquabble over the problem of religious education. MR. REDMOND ON IRELAND. On Wednesday Mr. Redmond, in a speech full of sound and fury, but signifying in truth very little, attacked the Irish administration of Mr. Wyndham. He was very indignant, among other things, that the Irish landlords should; combine to defend themselves against the United Irish League. We ore by no means thick-and-thin supporters of Irish landlords, as they sometimes complain, but we applaud meir determination to combine, and trust they will not be frightened out of their undoubted right to protect their collective interests by Mr. Redmond's bombuut. The Laudlords' Trust has our heartiest good wishes as long as it obeys, as wo arc confident it will, i the law in letter and spirit. The only point of any substance in Mr. Redmond's speech was that concerned witti the Sheridan case. But though the case was a very bad one, we hold that Mr. Wyndham's answer com- j pletelv just.fiod the Government, and showed that they had done everything in their power to unmask the villain, and to ! make reparation for his villainy tho moment it was discovered. We could wish, indeed, that the Nationalist party had shown themselves half an activo in the past in separating themselves from doubtful associates. The temptation to hush up matters to which all Governments are exposed when they are face to face with a scandal in the administration of justice waa resisted with courage and honesty. As Mr. Wyndham showed, the moment the Government got a hint of Sheridan's misdeeds they probed the matter to the bottom. Mr. Wyndham ended hi* speech witli an eloquent defence of the Irish Constabulary. * AN IRISH DEBATE. On Thursday the Irish debate was con- j t/nued with even greater vehemence, its chief feature being a. vitriolic Bpeecli from Mr. Healy. Utterances of that kind can, however, be as gxeatly enjoyed by Unionists as by the most fervent Irish separatists, for they are tho best possible proof of the weakness of the Nationalist movement in its present form. That is not the way in which men of the John Mitchell kind— i.e., the really dangerous men — speak. During the debate Mr. Morlcy indulged in one of his outpourings of tepid violence— to be attacked by Mr. Morley is like being Dcalded by weak tea — which, curiously enough, never disfigure bis oratory and his statesmanship except when he is dealing with the Irish question. We do not, however, care to discuss specifically the tone of Mr. Morley's speech, lest we should be accused of partisanship, but instead, will quote the words employed by one of the ablest orfans of Mr. Morley's own party — i.e., the )aily Chronicle, "Mr. Morley," it says, "in a not very discreet passage, seemed to hint to the Irish members that what in wanted to advance their cause is violence. There wouM have been no Tenants' Charter, he said, without violence in Irelaxid. This is dangerous doctrine to preach at a time when a land agitation is once more on foot. Nor waß Mr. Morley very well advised, w6 think, in declaring all schemes of gradual reform in Ireland to be futile. One must make allowances of course for a practitioner who has patented a herniV rammi™ «•"» --^aot

readily bring himself to look at any other. But when Mr. Morley ridicules a policy of reform in Ireland '»tcp by step,' hns ho really convinced himself that auy other is practicable ?" That seems to us a very well-merited rebuke, and the Daily Chronicle deserves the highest credit for having the courage to administer it to ono of ita own. party. The debate ended by the Government securing & majority of 01 in a tuiu House (10G votes to 133). HOMK .HULK. The "Memoranda" issued Dy tho Liberal Unionist Assocmtion (July, 1902), gives the following quotation from a speech mndo by Mr. Joseph Devlin, the Rationalist M.l\ who, in the House of Commons on Wednesday, uuulo a maiden speech of considerable warmth, Speaking at a meeting in Now York during his recent tour in the United ' States, he said : — "Gentlemen., I know there are many men in America vrho think that tho means by which we are operating s * to-day for tho good of Ireland are not sufficiently sharp and decisive. ... I, myself, am of opinion that it is always a good thing in Ireland to have not only what is known as the constitutional movement, but to have also in existence n> physical force party, even if that spirit is never concreted in action. ... I would sug< gtst to those who have constituted themselves the censors of our movement, would it not be well to give our movement a fair chance— to allow us to have afl owners the tillers of the land, to have an Irish Parliament that will give our people all authority over the police and the judiciary and all government in the nation, and when equipped with comparative freedom, then would be tho time for those who think we should destroy the last link that binds us to England to operate by whatever means they think best tb achieve that great and desirable end ? lam quite sure I speak for the United Irish League on this matter." — Irish People, 21st June, 1902. We entirely agree with the editors of the "Memoranda" when they say tliat "there being still people in Great Britain who think that agitation in Ireland would cease should Home Rule be granted, this deliberate official utterance of a delegate* of the United Irish League to America should be read and weighed." May we not say, with Gibbon, of the Nationalist movement at the present time, "The teeth and claws have been cut, but the nature of the tiger is the same"t THE DUBLIN VIOEROYALTY. We trust that tne rumours may prove true that the Government intend to abolish the political Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland and to appoint to the post a member of the Royal Family, the Irish Secretary ( occupying a seat in the Cabinet. Wo | have always been most -anxious (1) thnt the Lord-Lieutenancy— '"that symbol of .separation," as it was called fifty years ago — should either be abolißhed or else rendered entirely non-political, and (2) that a member of the Royal Family should have his home in Ireland. The Duke of Connaught would be an admirable appointment for the first Royal Viceroy. But we hope that wher making ths change tho Government may bo induced to establish a country Royal Palace in Ireland fon the Viceroy. Th»re must be plenty of magnificent Irish houses and demesnes available for purchase nt moderate sums. Of course, if uuch a pluco is purchased by the nation it must do properly maintained at the public charge, and not made into a wliite olephant for the non-political Viceroy. MR. BALFOURS FIRST SPEECH. - Mr. Balfour mode his first public speech as Premier last Saturday at Fulham. After a graceful reference to Lord Salisbury as "the most illustrious representative of .British public life," and an .expression of his hope that Continental critics, now that tney wrote "in cool blood," would recognise tho excellence of British conduct in South Africa, tho Premier pronounced a warm oulogy on Mr. Chamberlain. He called him "the great statesman who rules over the Colonial Office," and attributed to him first of all the change which has come over our relations with the colonies, nnd has made them from "a paper glory" as patriotic and ns self-sacrificing in a time of national emergency as the audience he was addressing. He then diverged to home politics, which, he said, were arranged in order that we might quarrel. He had no objection to tjio quarrelling, but it was sometimes difficult for those outside to Eerceive what was patent enough to memers within the House. For instance, they did not see that "certain gentlemen were anxious to deprive London of water lest the country should obtain education," tliat is, in fact, were resisting tile Water Bill only to delay the Education Bill. The epigram seems to have greatly irritated the Liberals, and their advocates are anxiously affirming that the resistance to the Water Bill is due to its own demerits and not to any plan of veiled obstruction. Nevertheless, it is certain that the Opposition wish to delay tba Education Bill because they think it possible, if there is time, to get up an ngitatiqji in the country. Mr. Balfour theu defended the Education Bill, and .forecast a scheme for London, hinting that it would be based on the new municipalities, and incidental - 'ly paid a just compliment to the metropolis. It might lack the self-conscious corporate life of Paris, but it never lacked the memory of being the metropolis of an Empire 'which contains such varied interests, such different populations, the reterests, such different civilisations, "such different forms of government.' " Let our readers note carefully the words we have quoted, for they throw light on Mr. Balfour. The remainder of his description might have been uttered by any statesman, but only a most thoughtful one would have remembered that the fading away of old civilisations within its confines is one of the marked peculiarities and greatest difficulties of the British Empire. TUE WESLEYAN TWENTIETH CENTURY FUND. At the sitting of the Wtsleyan Conference at, Manchester on Wednesday, Mr. Perks announced that tho Committee of the Twentieth Century Fund (of which £1,041,000 has been either received or promised before the close of the year) fiad decided to purchase the Westminster Aquarium as a site for "central church purposes." On that site would be erected a building of a monumental character, containing a great hall to seat three thousand persons, a lesser hall to hold a thousand people, and a great library. We most heartily congratulate the Society on the success of their efforts', and nro delighted to think that they have secured a site which will enable them to erect their central building at the very, heart of England and near the building—'Westminster Abbey — in which the associations of the whole Anglo-Saxon race centre. The position is worthy of the services rendered to the Motherland by John Wesley and his followers. The Wesleyans are, indeed, essentially an Imperial body — they cover the whole field of Empire-dfcnd it IB fitting that they should have a site fraught with Imperial associations, and at the very pla^e "where the Abbey makes us we." We trust tliat the Society will have good luck with their buildings, for in truth habent buo fata, is" as true of buildings as of books. On the whole, we hope that the building will be Gothic in character and that it will have a tower or spire — it ought not to look like a public office. SAVINGS BANK DEPOSITS. The Belect Committee of the House of Commons appointed to enquire into .Savings Bank Funds have advised tliat the I rate of interest allowed them by the State

should be reduced by one-eighth per cent., that is, from £52 10s per cent, to £2 7b Gd per cent. These funds are of very large amount, £51,930,000 being deposited in Trustee Savings Banks, and £142,942,000 in Post Office Savings Banks. There has always been some loss in investing them in Stale securities, and when on sth April, 1903, the interest on Consols is auLonmliuully reduced to 2£ per cent, tho total loss will exceed £322,000 a year. Tho interest must therefore bo reduced, or the Commissioners must bo authorised to invest in other than State stocks. The alternative, however, is too dungerous,. for, besides depressing Consols, it might in a year of panic render it impossible to obtain gvAt sums of money at short notice. Tho reduction, which will, there is no doubt, bo authorised by Parliament — a refusal involviug, in fact, a fresh tax on the taxpayer— is to commence- in tho case of tho trustee banks on 20th November, 1902; and in tuat of tho Post Office banks on Ist April. 1903.