TOWN EDITION. Evening Post. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1881.

Evening Post, Volume XXII, Issue 96, 21 October 1881, Page 2

TOWN EDITION. Evening Post. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1881.

Probably no action of any Government over elicited more hearty public approval, or a closer approach to unanimity in this Eentiment, than the course adopted by the New Zealaud Ministry on Wodnesday night. Wo believe that when the opinions of the Press, from one end of the Colony to tho other, are collected, ths verdict will be found to be one of cordial approbation, with hardly a dissentient voice. It has been announced for some time past, both in our own columns and by the spec : al correspondents in Wellington of tho leading journals in the other chief cities of the Colony, that, owiDg to the seditions utterances ot Te VVhiti at tho September Parihaka meeting, and the Bubsequent renewal on an extended soale, and in an aggravated form, of his old obstructive tactics, the Government had resolved upon ftrong measures of repression, and were making active preparation for carrying this intention into effect. This announcement was greeted with expressions of warm approval and satisfaction that the authority of the Queen and of her laws was at length to be vindicated in the locality which so long had been classed as "disturbed," a^d that the progress of the peaceful settlement of t^e land was no longer to bo impeded by the vagaries of lawdefying fanatics. Such being the case, there is no doubt that the course now adopted by Ministers in pursuance of that policy will be hailed with general satisfaction. Only two adTarse voices of any consequence are ltkely to be raised, and to these we purpose devoting some little attention. We will take them in their inverse order of importance. First there comes the Lyttelton Times, which has devoted several successive leading articles to the bitterest denunciation of tho .Ministerial policy in regard to the West Coast I'fativa difficulty. Argument 13 not attempted, but scolding is freely employed. We are not surprised at this, because to argue against the Native policy of the present Government would be to bring a grave indictment against their predecessors, by whom it was initiated — although bungled by them in execution, and who left the Woet Coast

diffienlbjr and that initiated policy in regard to it, aa a costly legacy to their Ministerial inheritors. jsnt the Lyttelton limes was always a thJck-anti-thin supporter of tho Grey Ministry, and, in common consistency, cannot now argue against the policy of the party it co recently bolstered up. Therefore it shows gams degree of prudence in not venturing on arguments, and in restricting itself tc mere faultfinding. As, however, the Lyttelton limes is tho organ of a vague, hazy, and indefinitß party, whose sole policy is to condemti everything done by tho preeent Ministry, right Or 5i ong, ita animadversions on the Ministerial ative policy may fairly bo set down toa sort of habitual, almost mechanical, tendency to say "No" if Ministers say "Yes," and may be disregarded as any reflection of popnlar feeling. The general publio in this instance, and in view of a public danger, very wisely and properly cast aside all petty political differences, and, holding "the country before party," give a hearty and generous support to the Government in meeting a common peril. We say a " common peril" advisedly, for the whole colony i 3in danger of suffering materially in it 3 credit from the continuance of this menace to its peace, a consideration which no part of the colony can afford to disregard. But, it may now be as.k«d, what of the other and more important dissentient voioe which we have anticipated might pos3ibly be raised against the action of Ministers toward Te Whit 1?. We approach this question with ccnsiderable hesitation. Had not the subject already been openly touched on, not merely in peneral conversation, but also in the public printa, we should have preferred to wait until events developed themselves, rather than assume a cifference of opinion among tho powers that bo. In view, however, of what has already been said and written on this matter, we cannot pretend to ignore the probability that his Excellency Sir Arthur GordOW may take or riiay have taken a view of the Native situation different from that held by his Responsible Advisers and by Sir James Prendergast, who was Administrator of the Government, with full powers under tho Queen's Commission, during Sir Arthur Gordon's absenoo from the Colony. Now, we do not see that any good purpose can be served by discussing whether or not Sir Arthur Gordon's sudden and unexpected return from Fiji was due to any information he received relative to New Zealand affairs, or whether his Excellency would have approved and sanctioned the important step taken by the New Zealand Government a few hours before his arrival in this Colony. Such questions would be idle and irrelevant. It ia sufficient to know that what was done was the constitutional act of an officer who was in every respect, and to the fullest extent, her Majesty's Representative, performed on the urgent advice of his Responsible Ministers. That proceeding has the thorough concurrence of the vast majority at any rate of the New Zealand pubr'e. It is done, fortunately for Europeans, and equally fortunately for the natives. The question, however, which is of direct interest to both races, is whether there is any prospect of Ministers being fettered in their action, aa regards the Native crisis, by any proceeding on the part of M 3 Excellency Sir Arthur Gordon. We say at once that we do not for one moment believe Sir Arthur Gordon would adopt a course which would inevitably involve the total forfeiture of the reputation he enjoys for ligh ability and sagacity. Such a step would indeed be so silly as well as improper, would be so grossly unconstitutional as well as foolish, would infallibly plunge himself, his Ministers, the Colony, and above all, tho Maoris, into such disastrous complications that we refuse to credit its remotest probability. I hat so abiurd an idea should have entered at all into anybody's head, is most likely due merely to one of thoso irrational associations of ideas to which thoughtless and unreflecting people are prono. Sir Arthur Gordon has always been credited, and we believe correctly, with special tenderness for the aboriginal races inhabiting European colonies, and with jealous watchfulness over their interests. To some people, who do not take the trouble of thinking out a subject, it mayjaeem a natural sequence that lie should tako the part of the Maoris, irrespective of the merits of tho case. We are convinced that such a view does grave injustice to the sagacity of Sir Arthur Gokdon, who ia quito able to discern the wide difference between the plundering and oppression of Native races and tho adoption of necessary measures for compelling their subjection to tho law, undor circumstances of not tho slightest hardship to them, but, on the contrary, of marked indulgence to their weakness and prejudices. Sir Arthur Gordon is quite capable of appreciating the serious change in the Bituation which has been brought about by the new tactics of Te Whiti, and hia open incitement of his followers to defiance of the law, to resistance with violence should it be enforced againßt them, and to forcible interference with European settlers in the exercise of their peaceful land lawful occupation of land purchased by them from the Government. His Excellency is fully aware that every gentle means of bringing Te Whiti and hia fo.lowers to reason has been exhausted ; that ample provision has been made for the redress of every real grievance ; that landed reserves have, been set apart sufficient for all legitimate Native require^ menta ; that Native whims and fancies have been studiously respected so far as thia was possible, consistently with the maintenance of order, peace, and settlement ; yet that Te Whiti still defies the law and threatens the Qneen's Bubjocts. Under all these circumstances we decline to believe that the rumoured probability of any undue interference on tho part of his Excellency with the action of his Responsible Ministers has any existence except in the wild guesses of unreasoning persons. It ia utterly improbable that an Imperial officer of Sir Arthur Gordon's high standing and experience would commit so grave and fatal a blunder.

THE NATIVE CRISIS. 4.