FRANCE.

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XXII, Issue 2807, 25 July 1866, Page 6

FRANCE.

At the sitting of the Corps Legislatif on May 3, M. Rouher made the following declaration on the pait of the Government in refeience to the state of political affairs : — The Government could not afc the present time accept a discussion on the German question without exposing itself to graveand numerous inconveniences, but, in presence of the pre-occupation of the public mind, it considers that-jb ought to make known the character of the policy it intends to follow. ' M. Rouher then pointed out that the efforts made by France towards the maintenance' of peace had been only limited by a firm resolve not to contract any obligation, and to maintain liberty of action in questions which, after all, did not affect her honour, her dignity, and her interests. It was the duty of the Government to piactise tine rules of an honest neutrality, and it had determined to profit by it* liberty of action onlyjto protect the power, security, and liberty of Prance against eyery attack. M. Thiers attacked the conduct of Prussia, and asked the French Government to send an energetic veto to Berlin aud Florence. His speech created a profound sensation in the Chamber ;; — I The Government has said to us, "I hare maintuinedj and willmaiatain, neutrality. " Thatis something, but not sufficient, flai France no other means of checking a dangerous policy than by war ? There are different modes, any of which would succeed. She might say to Prussia, "You are menacing the equilibrium of Europe, and the peace of the world. That is well known. Itjisnot Austria, butyou. We will not tolerate it." That would be therudeit manner, and I should not advise France to adopt ifc ; but would any one inEurope blame her if ihe did ? (blear, and maiks of dissent.) M. Jules Favre : The result would then be war. M. Thiers : I set aside that harsh form, and propose one of a milder character. Could not France say to Prussia in a courteous manner, "The ambition of the nations is not a crime, nor is it t one to point out to them the consequences of their desires. The results of the course you are following it is easy to foresee. You are thwarting the policy of France, which can never be reconcileable' with thoie 'consequences." That form would bo more gracious, yet •ufticiently clear to be understood. Igo still further : if I had had the honour of directing the affairs of my country in this circumstance I should have remaiued silent ; '1 should not have given a single hope to Prussia, and should have deprived»her of one. What can now be the maiu hope of the man whom 1 have called an enterprising Minister ? This : he sees Italy entering into hi« projects and ready to engage in a campaign by his side. Well, then, I appeal tojsimple common sense — c&u the Minister of Prussia believe that Italy will act without our consent ! (Sensation.) No; aud that is what constitutes the gravity of the situation. Count de Bismark, finding himself joined by Italy, may, without much rashness, have argued that France herself would on some day or other be with him also. That, I repeat, is the hop* of which I would have deprived Prussia. I would not have suffered (I have no hesitation in using the word) Italy to become her ally, and then Count de Bismark would have understood what was meant. < (Sensatien.) But we are told that we must nob encroach on the independence of Italy. The Government has said that an ally has been secured to us beyond the Alp's. What sort of an ally <is that which connects itßelf with the policy you bo much dread in the North, and comes to disturb the peace you all wish for? (Greit applause.) We who have poured out for Italy the blood of 50,000 Frenchmen, expended 400 millions, and braved the dangers of a social revolution at Home, have a right to speakgloudly to her ;- we have a right to require that she should nofe compromise the policy of France. Even when you shall have declared to Italy that she will act at her' whole risk and peril, enough will not hare been said. Tuke care that what has happened of late years may not make your declaration insufficient. Italy invades Tuscany, you blame her ; then Naples, you blame her again ; then Bhe ' seizes part of the States of the Holy See, you withdraw your ambassador ; but she still goes on aa before. Then you sign a convention by which she engages her«elf to take Florence for a capital and to renounce Rome. She replies both fiom the tribune and in her journals that she has made no promise of the sort. You blame her again, but she still persists. What then is the opinion of Europe in presence of these facts ? That Italy has contracted the habit of doing J just what she pleases' all the time that she is censured by us with a conviction that there will be no definite quarrel, and that she need'not altogether renounce all hope of our support. This, I fear, is the knot of the situation. You ought then to act more decidedly in respectito Italy ; you should Bay to her — "I will not undertake to guarantee you against any events ; I will not in any case be your ally ; and if Aiistria, victorious, Bhould exercise against you all the rigours of war, I shall allow her to do so." (Sensation.) Were the language of France to be clear enough on this point, these uu grateful allies would perhaps understand you better, and perhaps even Count de Bismark would better comprehend the situation in which he is engaging himself. (Movement.) I know that in »o speaking I may displease some of the friends of Italy, but to me France is a country far dearer. (Great applause.) I say then that we ought to explain ourselves to Italy in such a way that the disapprobation of the present day may not resemble that of previous years. (Movement.) By so expressing ourselves we may yet perhaps contribute something to the maintenance of peace ; or, if peace is impossible, we may limit the consequences and disasters of war, and render it less dangerous. (Renewed applause.) For that object I have come, in spite of my exhausted strength, to make this last effort in favour of peace, of the good of my country, and the honour of my "Government. (Prolonged sensation and great applause. ) ' The Emperor and Empress left Paris o* May 6th to attend an agricultural show at Auxerre, where their Majesties were received with great enthusiasm. In reply to an address presented by the Mayor of Auxerre, the Emperor said :—!: — ! " I see \rith"pleasuse that, the memory of the first Empire has not been effaced' from your minds. Believe me, for my own part I have inherited the feelings entertained by the chief of my family for this energetic and patriotic population, who sustained the Emperor in good as in evilfortune. I have a debt of gratitude to discharge towards Yonne. This department was the first to give meits »uffragea iv 1848, because it knew, with the majority of the French people, that its interests were my interests, and that I detested equally with them thoße treaties of 1815 which it is now sought to make the sole basis of our foreign policy. I thank you for the sentiments you have expressed towards me. Among you I breathe fieely, for it is among the working population both in town and country that I find the real geniui of France." It is asiertedaud believedin Paris 'that the'famous speech at Auxerre was never actually uttered— -tb at, the Emperor's real words were quite different, but that on his return he wrote the speech a« it hai appeared, and sent ft for insertion to the Moniteur. What does it signify ? The effect is the same. It has been calculated that the little speech caused, on May 14, a' loss on the Bourse of Paris of 700,000,100 of francs.