NEW ZEALAND AFFAIRS.

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XVII, Issue 1434, 10 September 1861, Page 4

NEW ZEALAND AFFAIRS.

Nothing could bo moie limited than the scope of tlie "New Provinces (New Zealand) Bill," which was read a second time in the House of Loids on Tuesday evening, and nothing could be moie coinpietensive, not to say disciusive, than the discussion piovoked by it By the act of 1552, establishing a Representative Constitution in New Zealand, those islands were divided into six: in ovinces,— Auckland, New Plymouth, Wellington, Nelson, Canteibury, and Otago, each to be governed by an elective Superintendent and Piovmcial Council. It was intended \o reserve poweis to the General Assembly of the colony to make furthei subdivisions ; but, owing to some legislative blunder incident to a system of double government, doubts had arisen upon the vahdity of an Act passed m the exeicise of these poweis, and it was to remove these doubts that the Bill in question was introduced. Theie could be no dispute as to the expediency of such an Amendment Act, but its veiy insignificance gave Loid Giey an opportunity of asking why it was not moie sweeping, and of founding upon this mtei rogation an elaborate speech bef 01 c a very thm audience on the history and present aspect of New Zealand affaus. Those who know Lord Giey's skill in dissecting a subject will not be surprised to find in. this speech a very interesting commentaiy on the lelations between the settlers and the natives, and those who have read his essay on Reform in Parliament will be piepaied to fiud that he thiows almost the whole blame of the existing dispute on repieseutative institutions as applied to colonies. Accoulmg to his view, all went well up to the yeai 1854 01 1555, when Sir George Giey had been supeiseded by Colonel Gore Browne, and the action of the Geneial Assembly began to be felt. Befoie that time the fovernment had been a kind of paternal despotism lr George Grey had suspended, by his own authority, the opeiation of an Impenal Act passed in 1846, by which, among other impiactioable provisions, the taxation of the natives would have been placed in the hands of the settlers, and had substituted conciliation and peisonal influence for constitutional guarantees. Theie can be no doubt of the success of his plan, as woiked by himself. While he diligently acquired the Maon language, multiplied schools and constmcted loads, and impressed the natives with a sense of his impartiality, he put down rebellion with a strong hand, seized One gieat chief in his pah, tracked another through the woods till he forced him to sm lender, and pioscnbed the sale of arms and spirits to the natives with the utmost severity. When he gave up the ackninistiation to his successor, after sanctioning and inaugurating the Constitution, no difficulties weie experienced m the purchase of land, the natives were making lapidpiogress in civilization, and many wcie sanguine enough to dieam of a political and social Utopia at the Antipodes. It is admitted that in 1855 "symptoms of a change for the woise began to appear." The question is to what this change is to be attnbuted Lord Grey, while he tieats Colonial Legislatuies with supreme disdain, and ndicules the idea that liberty and order in a half -civilized country can lest on "laws and measures," seeks, like a good Whig, for approved political causes to account tor disaffection among the Maons We shoidd have scaicely cared to look higher than the conflict of lace, of interests, of sentiments, and of law s that must attend the contact between Eiuopeans and a people lemoved fiom cambahsm by a less mtoival than a geneiation, and supeistitiously attached to the possession of land. But this does not satisfy Loi dGi ey. He censures, indeed, like the Duke of Newcastle, the tendency of the Provincial Superintendents and Councils to encroach on the Governors power as pio tectoi of the natives , but he discovers othei grievances, for -which we suspect that Wirimu Kingi, if lie reads the English newspapeis, will be duly gvitefid to him. First, there is "the injustice of being excluded fiom all practical share in the government ;" then theie is "the manner in which patronage is misused ;" lastly, there aie " the misei able and inadequate grants grudgingly made by the Assembly for puiposes in which the Maons aie inteiested," and "the tone of the public piess." In his view, Wnimu Kmgi is a kind of Maon Giacchus or Hampden, battling against the temtonal and political unsurpations of a tyrannical oligaichy. The lemedy, of couise, is obvious, and Lord Grey is not the man to shank from recommending it. It is to send out Sir G. Grey again, armed with the poweis of a dictator, to suppress the New Zealand Assembly for thiee years, and to concentrate in Sir G. Grey and a Council to be nominated by the Crown all legislative and executive aiithonty. By this coup d'itat, supported by an adequate militaiy foice, and followed by certain appiopriations of levenue in favour of the Maoris, ho flatteis himself that the knot' of the difficulty would be cut, and that "ma short penod repieseutativo institutions (consideiably modified) might be once moie estabhshed in New Zealand." We aie not much siu prised that the Duke of Newcastle did not close at once with this bold and slashing proposal. At the same tune, we hear with satisfaction that the government had already anticipated that pail of it winch consists in the reappomtment

of Sir George Grey as Governor of New Zealand. His name will probably have great weight with a race who " require a great deal of government," and unite with raie courage and obsnnacy a childish veneration the authority of those whom they have learned to trust. Indeed, the Duke of Newcastle did not hesitate to attribute the insunection in part to an abuse of this sentiment by interested op injudicious advocates of native rights. He asserted plainly that the " struggle for nationality" had been "instigated by disaffected Europeans. There was no doubt upon this point. An agitation had long been carried on ; emissaries had been sent abroad ; hi one part of the country subscriptions had been raised for setting up a printing press, with the view of disseminating among the natives everything which could excite them against the British government ; a flag had been designed and hoisted at the residence of this so-called Maori King ; nay, more, an attempt was made to levy Customs, — all with the view of persuading the natives that the Governor of New Zealand had conceived a plan to exterminate them by degrees and seize their whole lands for the common use of the British settlers." This is a grave chaige, and the terms in which the Duke alluded to the inteifeienco of theßishor &nl his clerical coadjutors weie wholly unjustifi. Me, unless it is capable of explicit proof. Unforturatel/, we are not left to conjecture on this subject Tle facts which have reached us fiom time to time, and which were alluded to in the debate of Tuesday, the spnit of the letters emanating fiom that party which have appeared in our own column**, and the candid testimony of Lord Ly ttelton, no hostile critic of ecclesiastical pietensions,, alike convince us that Governor Browne has had quite as implacable enemies among the Church party as among the promoteis of the Land League and '• Maori King movement," or the most unsciupulous members of the Provincial Councils. The success of Sir G. Grey will mainly depend on whethei he can lally the whole European populalation m a bond fide attempt to place native affairs on an independent and satisfactory footing, and to bring the government into immediate communication with the puncipal chiefs. Something ,h»s alieady been done by the Act of the New Zealand General Assembly constituting a native council ; a tubunal for the adjustment of native rights and claims to land may probably be the next step, but no measuies of conciliation, nor even the presence of Sir G. Grey, will be of the least effect so long as the Maones can count on the support of a party who m their jealousy fortnbal lights connive at open rebellion against the Bntish Ciown. — Times

The appointment of Sir George Grey to New Zealand, and the despatch of fresh troops to support the Butish authority, are facts winch balance and define each other. The conduct of Governor Goie Biowne has been fully appioved by the Ministry at home. Tins must not be taken as a formal compliment, such as is commonly paid to a Governor on his letiiement, who has given no tiouble, and whose qualities are negative Governor Browne has been compelled not ouly to meet an insiuiection, but also to combat a party ; not only to assert the authority of the Queen, but to vindicate himself from the ehaige of having wantonly provoked a native insuriection. Nothing has been spared to exhibit the facts m all their possible aggiavation Tho pen has been far more active than the swoid. The claim upon the Home Government foi military help, and the tiemendous expense involved, must have given peculiar mteiest to the contioveisy. The lesult, however, is the entire appioval of the tundamental principles of Governor Biowne's administration And what are these? First, that no native authority shall stand between the legal owner of land and the Government in questions of alienation ; — in other woids, that no couspnacy of native chiefs shall prevent the colonisation of New Zealand. When it is said that the natives aiefoiced to sell their land, and that the colonists gieedily desire it, the fact is wantonly overlooked, that not a single inch of native land has been taken but foi a price, and that the seller has been a free agent to dispose of it or not. The question then is not whether the Crown shall take the land of the natives ■without their consent, but whethei the chiefs, forming themselves into a new confederation, unknown to their onginal law or constitution, shall step mby interdict, and forbid the Ciown to piu chase or the subject to sell. The next point asseited by Govemoi Biowne has been the exclusive soveieignty of the Queen It does not lequue even a moment's leflection to peiceive that the establishment of a native monarchy, supported by the sword and exeicismg all the functions of government, is m reality the establishment of a distinct and mesponsible State. In case of opposition between the two Poweis, those of the Queen and the Maoi 1 King, an appeal must be made to arm 1 - ,— for whatevei oiganization may be established to inteipret the claims 01 views of either of these paities must deuve its efficacy fiom foice. To allow of a native monaichy is to 1 enounce the rights as well as the duties of soveieignty, and to expose the colony to lasting perils Governor Biowne permitted the abongines to talk of a native kmg, but when they foimally set up a flag and oiganisecl a state, it was time to denounce it ; and we aie glad he did so with decision, and that the British government has been wise enough to applaud him It is all veiy fine for people at the antipodes to laugh at the notion of a Maon King, and to tieat it as a bauble, but it is in the piesence of the colonists a veiy different affair, and must tin eaten their safety, their propeity, and. then lives. They had no alternative but to be the subjects of one loyalty, or to quit the countiy. Wo do not think the colonists need tiouble themselves about the sneeis of those highly disinterested critics who talk about the settlers looking upon the land of the natives with greedy eyes. There ib no moial reason why they should not desne to occupy and cultivate a portion of that land which lssufficientforthe sustentation of millions, but which is now letamed as a woifchless -wilderness to giatrfy the jealousy of a few thousand natives That some settleis are disposed to acqune this land we have no reason to doubt, but we have never heard of anypioposition to take it without payment, 01 except with consent of the owneis ; nor is it in the power of any pnvate colonist to puichase a single acie fiom the natives. Such accusations aie not only calumnious and ungiacious ; to those who know the facts they aie ridiculous. They serve, howevei, to lound off a penod, and J ) cast a slur upon colonists to whose intiepidity and agreed — if that is a moie acceptable term—England owes hei empne The appointment of Sn GeoigeGiey to the government is, of couise, constiuedby the opponents of Governor Biowne into a ccnsuie upon his jnedecessor, and a sanction of native rebellion. It may be prudent to withdiaw a governor from the spheie where he is sui rounded with personal animosities, but if Sir Geoige Grey is going to reverse his policy, and this is to be followed by the withdiawment of the British troops, we can only legaid the measuie as a tempoiary postponement of an inevitable collision. If, indeed, the natives, peiceiving the foice of Great Britain, can be induced to abandon their confederacy and to 1 enounce their inteifereuce with the rights of pnvate piopoity, it -would ceitamly beafoitunate encumstauce. No humane man can feel mdiffeient to their fate All intelligent peisons who lecogmse their stiong claims as abougines, and as aeouiageous and intelligent people, must be deeply anxious lest ill advice or obstinate egotism should drive them on to destruction But to accept an armistice instead of submission is only to expose the colonists to fiesh outbreaks whenever tho eapuce of the chiefs shall suggest it It is only to intimidate immigiation, and thus pi event that pieponderance without •which we can never hold New Zealand in ] eaoe. Assmedly nothing would be so great a bles'nrj to the natives now, as well as to existing colonists, as the establishment of a hundied thousand people in the belligerent countiy The idea of lesistance would then be thoroughly abandoned, and an exterminating wai— which always arises wheie tw o races sac hostile, and in nearly equal foree — would be prevented. The Maon has shown, by many pi oofs Ins capacity foi civilization. Theie is nothing in his physique to lendei him odious to ihe white population — nothing to pi event Ins living within the same radius of government, and deiivmg equal advantage fiom its adnuinstiation. He cannot indeed be the chief of a clan 01 assemble at the summons of othei chieftains armed, to debate whether he shall obey the laws and acknowledge the British soveieignty, but theie is nothing to pi event his enjoying all the rights and pnvilegcs as -well as the protection of British subjects. At the piesent moment, within the shoies of Great Biitain, there aie laces which speak the Celtic language, and who for ages weie reluctant subjects of the Crown, but theie has piactically been no difficulty m administering the law among them, or obtaining out of their population a satisfactory repiesentation. We have no doubt Sir George Grey will adopt a policy which can be lecogmsed under all cncunistauces, and keep clear of that mistaken philantluopy which has often done infinite damage to mankind, and which in piactice is often moie peinicioub than the intelligent selfishness of stoical statesmen.— Sydney Mmninq Ha aid, August 15.