THE TIMES ON GERMAN POLITICS.

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XVII, Issue 1400, 14 May 1861, Page 3

THE TIMES ON GERMAN POLITICS.

An event has taken place \vhich may, peihaps, change the whole couise of Geiman policy The Pi ussiau Chambei has, by a niajonty of 159 to 146, resolved that "it ii not m the mteiest of Prussia "or Germany to place obstacles in the way of the consolidation of the unity of Italy." In spite of the opposition of Baron Schlemitz and the retiogiade paity, which voted with him on this occasion, the first dehboiative body in Geimany has given a check to the warlike inclinations of the Couits, great and small. Such an incident at the beginning of a new reign cannot be without its effect. It shows that the Soveieigns have to deal with something moie than the feeble discontsnt which ventb itself in sneeis and epigiams Germany has begun to feel that lepiesentative institutions have not been gi\ en to her in yam, and that by a due use of them she may gain the direction of her own affahs and insiue the public honor and prosperity. Pi ussia has been so long lepioached with vacillation that one may well fancy a sphited Pimce anxious to assert his vigour of mind by taking lesolutions without waiting to prove their wisdom. King William I. may be subject to the dangeious fear of being thought afraid. During the late King's life Pi ussiau statesmen always fancied theie was a good leason against eveiy possible course of action, and the lesult was that the State re mained inactive when there woie the best oppoitumties of asseiUng a high position in Euiope It would almost seem as if the new King, smaikng under the censuios which have been cast on his biothei'a policy, was detei mined to do something which should convince Europe that Pi ussia is a gieit powei, and has a Prince capable of directing its stiength Scaicely was ho seated on the thione than the question of Schleswig and Holstoin was leopened, and a little State falling a most useful part in the economy of Europe has been so rudely threatened tint the Danish paople are picpaimg for the wont, and the capital echoes with a-i " impress of shipwughts, ' making the still respectable u-\vy of Denmaik leady for sea. We should be glad, however, to think that an onslaught on Denmaik is the greatest eiror of which King William is capable. Although nothing can be more \isionaiy than the glievances of the Germans, and nothing nun o extiavagant than then claims on the Danish Monaichy, yet in making himself their spokesman the King of Prussia is at least acting a national pait His subjects have been penuadcd that they have fellow comitiymen beyond the Eidei, and that those fellow-countymen aie ill tieated , the pies sine has come from below, and the Couit may be excused for yielding to it But a far more seuous danger thieatens the Piussian Stats from sympathies in which the people have no shaie As long as the lite King lived the Regent thought it becoming to conceal 01 repiess his own political feelings, and consequently Austria has been left to fight her own battles But even in 1859 the Regent was on the point of inteifermg, and every good Russian has been encouiaged to believe that Fiance concluded a peace thiough fear of the invincible legions w Inch would have been marched against her noithein fiontiei It is piobably true that the decision of Pi ussia had consideiable influence on the course of events, and, if so, we may be sine that Napoleon 111 is not the man to forget the favour Ifowevei that may be, we have heaid King William make a heioic speech about the conflict for which Piussia is to be piepared, and it is easy enough to par ceive that m high quaiters at Beilin their reigns au exaltation which may at any time lead to some foolish act, to be followed by deploiable consequences. In averting such a calamity, the lesolution of M yon Vmcke, earned against the whole power of Government in the debate on the Address, is likely to be most useful. Foi almost the first time we find the Liberal party in Germany using the foims of the Butish Con stitution to a good puipose They have learnt much from the expeiience of the last few yeais. In common with the paity of piogiess all ovei Europe, they ha\ e been chastened by eveiy kind of suffoiinn and failure Their political education has been long and difficult, but is now almost complete So, instend of holding a congiess to debate on the tiue conception of a nationality, the Puissian Libeials have taken then places in the Legislatuie to piotect the one nationality, which is really labounng to establish itself The blow dealt by this vote of the Chambei of Deputies will fall heavily on many a Royal and Ducal Cabinet in Geimany. The eight-aiid tlmty Courts which, divide the country have but one idea of union, and that is a union of aimtes. If one of them, the most selfish oi capricious of the number, weie m distiess the othei tlmtyseven would willingly fly to its assist nice, if such a teim may Le used to expiess the august motion of a piincely House. Now, for two yeais past the Courts have been talking much about the unity of Germany, the sacredness of Geiman soil, and the necessity of an access to that notonously German sea, the Aduatic What has been the motive of all this patnotism winch has filled the speeches of lllustiious peisonages and the columns of Government nenspapeis ' Simply that family alliances and dynastic sympathies have excited the Couits strongly in favour of the dispossessed Italian Sovereigns and then protector, the Emperor of Austria. It is only within the last two or three yeais that the famous theoiy has been elaboiated that the safety of Geimany lequncs the subjection of a pait of Ttalv We should nevei have heaid of it had not the Sove reigns of Naples and Tuscany, as well as the Emperoi of Austria, been united by close bonds with the leading families of the Coufedeiation. Thu oveithiow of these rulers, and the success of one who ij looked upon as a traitoi to his oidei, have had more to do with the waihke piopensities of the Geiman Sovereigns thxu any danger to be appiehended fiom Italy oi even Fiance. The Bavaiian Couit, as most neaily allied to the Austuan and Itilian families, has taken the lead in ex travaganca, much against the real wishes of the people, who, though good Catholics, attache 1 to their own Government, and ready to defend it against any real danger fiom beyond the Rhine, aie in no mood to be taxed and slaughtered in defence of Austria The Royal Family of Saxony is very little behind that of Bavana in real for the cause of despotism. The piess, as is proved by the piesent vote, lopiesents but mdiffeiently the opinion of the nation The difficulties and dangeis of a hbeial journal are such that even in the most enlightened cities the voice of opposition is weak The Courts have made a kind of bombastic patriotism the fashion, and the piess has aided their endeavouis, so that it seemed not unlikely that the nation might be led away to support the woist of causes in a legion with which they have nothing to do Every Englishman will lejoice to find that the Piussian people have not been deceived They know the power and ambition of Fiance, and, thould it be necessaiy, they will, no doubt, stand by their Princes, foiemost amongjwhom is K-ing William I But they can distinguish between a real national danger and such a bugbear as has been presented to them by the luhng families. The policy of Austria has been to entangle Pnwsia by an engagement to suppoit her in the next Italian War. The aigument by which the Empeioi's demands weie justified would he hardly worth notice had it not pioved to be successful even with the new King of Prussia Geimany, it is said, must be defended by the line of the Mincio, and the Quadrilateral is as stuctly a system of federal fortresses as any that exists on tho Rhine. But against whom is Geimany to be defended ou the Mincio * What ene'uy, if once established in Venetia, would burst thiough the Tyiol ' It is the Italian people — a race hitheito the nio3t unwailike in Western Europe, and so desuous only to put the Alps between itself and tho alien armie3 which occupy its country. The pretext that a fiee Italy would thieaten Gormany is as palpably false as that by which Napoleon annexed Savoy and Nice last year. The good sense of the Prussian lepresenfcatives has rejected these flimsy aiguments and scouted these idle fears. So stiong was the feeling of the Chamber that Baion Schlemitz was obliged to declaie that, "though the Government did not consider the principle of non inteivention as binding," thay had no intention of interfering m Italy, unless the war leached, or the Italians claimed, any poition of the Fedoial teriitory. In slioit, the victoiy of the Libel al paity was complete, and we may hope that moie moderate pretensions and sounder judgment will henceforth be found in the Geiman Comts.