NELSON SUPREME COURT.

Daily Southern Cross, Volume XVI, Issue 1242, 9 August 1859, Page 1 (Supplement)

NELSON SUPREME COURT.

GIBBS AND JIOOKE Y. ROBINSON. Mi*. Travers moved for a rule calling upon John Perry Robinson, Superintendent of the Province of Nelson, to show cause why a writ of Mandamus should not issue directed to John Perry Robinson, Superintendent of the Province ot Nelson, commanding him to determine the amount of land to be leased to William Gibbs and Daniel Moore, in accordance with a certain application delivered to Alfred Domett, Commissioner of Crown Lands for the said Province, on the 11th July, 1859. Mr. Travers refened his Honour to a copy of the motion which had been annexed to the affidavits for his Honour's convenience. His Honour said he observed that this application was against the Superintendent ; if Mr. Travers were, therefore, relying upon Provincial laws, he presumed they were set forth in the affidavits. Mr. Travers said they were, in so far as they were material for the purpose of this application, which was made to compel the performance of a duty imposed by the Nelson Laud Regulations, under the -provisions of the Waste Lands Act, 1854. which regulations were published in the Government Gazette. His Honour asked if Mr. Travers contended that he was bound to take judicial notice ot Provincial laws and of the Government Gazette. Mr. Travers said he apprehended that his Honour was boimd to do so. The Provincial Councils were legislative bodies, created by the same Act which crested the General Assembly, and they held a coordinate power with the latter in framing laws for the Government of the Provinces.

Hi* Honour asked to be shown how he was to be bound by the Government Gazette. He laised these poinH, not merely upon technical considerations, but uith a view that some settled course might be arrived at, as he found that, in practice, many points of the kind had been assumed, which in his opinion were not entitled to any weight, and the sooner this was known the better. Mr. Travers asked if his Honour held that the Court was not bound to take judicial cognizance of the Provincial laws. His Honour : Decidedly, until they are duly proved. The Judges of the Supreme Court were not Judges for the Provinces ; and, without disrespect, he would suggest that the difference between the laws of the General and- Provincial Councils was as great as that between the laws of the General Assembly and the by-laws of a corporation. It would be foolish to suppose that any Judge would take judicial notice of all the laws of j all the Provinces. I Mr. Travels said this was an application for a rule to show cause why n Mandamus should not issue j against the Superintendent of this 1 Province, com- j mnnding him to do an act which he is directed to do by the Land Kcsuliitions of the Pravine. The provisions of the Land Regulations were imperative ; for, in the first place, by the 38th clause it is declared that any applicant becomes, of right, entitled to a lease of some land, but the quantity ot land to be included in the lease was to be ascertained in the manner directed by the 30th section, which declared that the amount of land to be leased should be determined by the Superintendent, acting with the advice of his Executive Council and the Laud Commissioner, but in no case to exceed two square miles. This section, it would be seen, was also imperative , a duty being imposed upon the Superintendent, and it rested with him to obtain the advice of the Executive Council and the Land Commissioner, in performing that duty; it not being within the power of the applicant to compel the Executive Council and Land Commissioner to give the advice i required. i His Honour asked Mr. Travers if he had shown that he had done all that was required on the part of the applicant under these regulations ? Mr. Travers said he had, by the affidavits. Honour said he should like also to know whether the Commissioner of Crown Ltnds was an officer of the General or of the Provincial Government? Mr. Travers said he was an officer of the General Government, appointed by the Governor, under the Crown Lands Ordinance, to act within a particular Province, and he being the proper person to whom applications for leases v\ ere to be made under the Waste Lands Regulations, the application in question was made to him. His Honour said Mr. Travers roust trace- his application to the Supeiintendent, or how could he be connected with the present motion. Mr. Travers said the affidavit did this; for the letter containg the refusal was from the Provincial Secretary, and stated in express terms that the application for the lease had been referred by the Land ; Commissioner to the Superintendent ; moreover, it , is added that he (the Provincial Secretary) wrote by the direction of the Supeiintendent. An applicant : could not obtain his lease until the amount of land to be leased had been determined by the Superintendent, who so far had a mere naked duty to perform. The lease must ultimately be issued in the same manner us a Crown grant. His Honour said, but suppose the Superintendent determined the amount ot land to be 0 acre», 0 . roods, 0 perches, in fact to be none, what then would ; be the consequence ? i Mr. Travers said he apprehended that the Super- ■ . intendent (looking to the wording of the clause on . which he relied, and to its context) was bound to certify to some amount of land, however small that ' amount might be. The act stated that the amount of . land to be leased was not to exceed a given .quan- '. tity, and must therefore be held to mean some land. ! The words "amount of land to be leased" would not [ be satisfied by fixing no amount at all. His Honour said the question raised was an important one, if Mr Travers contended that every applicant for land for mining purposes was entitled to a certificate from the Superintendent, fixing some • quantity of land to be leased. < Mr. Travers said this was so. He did contend that the Superintendent was so bound ; for it was undoubtedly the intention of the Legislature, in framing the Regulations, to give extreme facilities for the development of the mineral resources of this Province. His Honour asked if he rightly understood the application to be made because the Superintendent was considered as bound to fix a certain amount of land, 'upon application being made for a mineral lease r For instance, the Superintendent might say three feet by four feet. Mr. Tra\ers said that was just his point : he contended that the Superintendent could not set up any opinion of the Government as to the expediency or otherwise of granting gold mining leases as a defence to such demand, he being bound to certify under the Land Regulations. His Honour said that was a bold argument. Mr. Travers contended that he was right nevertheless for before an application for the lease itself could be successfully preferred against the Government, the application must show that the Superintendent had fixed the amount of land to be included in the lease. His Honour asked if the Governor was empowered to grant such lenses ? Mr. Travers said he was by his Commission. His Honour said he had the Commission with him, and on referring to it laid he did not find that tha Waste Land Act, 1854, had withdrawn fiera the Governor the power of executing grants, leases, &c. His Honour then asked if he rightly understood Mr. Travers to contend that the Superintendent waa compelled to do an act the non-performance of which caused the present motion. Mr. Travers : Decidely so, for the letter lent to his clients contained the refusal of the Superintendent to fix amount of land sought to be leased His Honour said the letter was not a refusal to determine the amount of land ; it was simply a refusal to grant a lease. Mr. Travers said the Superintendent had not been asked to grant a lease ; he was simply required to state the amount to be included in the lease for which they applied to the Commissioner of Crown Lands; the letter refused to certify constructively, though not in positive terras, on the grounds then stated. His Honour said "he supposed then that Mr. Travers relied upon the letter as a specific application to determine the amount of land to be leased. Mr. Travers said the letter, after being referred to the Superintendent by the Commissoner, amounted to such a request, and maintained that a grievance had been inflicted upon the applicants by the Superintendent's refusal to do his duty ; fur until that duty was performed they were not in a position to obtain a Mandamus against the Governor to compel him to issue the lease. He apprehended, tob, look? ing at the matter in another light, that in a question of such importaace to the province the Superintendent ought to be quite as anxious as his (M. Travel's) clients to have the point at issue determined. This refusal to perform a manifest duty prevented the development of the mineral resources of the Province, and if tne Superintendent entertained doubts of his power to do that which would be beneficial to the community, he ought not to hesitate in assisting to obtain n judicial opinion on the point. His Honour said these latter arguments would not affect his decision. He should, "however, grant a rule nisi, and as the subject seemed one of very great importance, and ought to be speedily determined, he would be glad if some arrangements could be made by the Superintendent's advisers to have the question argued immediately before him, and if that could be done he would willingly submit to personal inconvenience and remain in Nelson to decide it. If this could not be done, however, he would suggest that a special case should be drawn, in which the facts should be fairly admitted and stated, and a day fixed for the' argument at Wellington. Mr. Travers said he was quite willing and pre- , pared to adopt either of the courses suggested by his Honour. The Provincial Solicitor, who was present during the application, said he was not then prepared to state the course he would pursue, but would consult his colleagues and inform his honour in the course ot the day. " • > It was ultimately agreed that the rule should be returnable at the first sitting* of the Court in Banco at Wellington. i

SIR JAMES GRAHAM AT CARLISLE. (From tht 'rimes.) A grand dinner, in celebration of the success of the Liberal candidates for Carlisle and East Cumberland, was held on Monday evening at the Coffee-house As-sembly-room, Carlisle. About 500 gentlemen sat down. All the four members were present. In responding to the toast of his health, Sir James Graham said,— Mr. Chairman, vicechairmen, ladies, and gentlemen, I rise with peculiar satisfaction to return to you my cordial thanks on the present occasion. The chairman has reminded you of tha advice of the late Mr. Steel to the Blue party. He urged, and greatly urged, the importance of union. The joy which I feel on the present occasion arises from the practical adoption of that salutary rule. ( Cheers.) When I look to the right and to the left, and before me, I see again cordially united that great Blue | paity which, when united, is irresistible, both in the | Eastern Division of Cumberland and in Carlisle. (Cheers.) There is union in my person; in you, and :in my colleague, It is said that he is a youth (laugh. • ter) — though he is a tolerably matured youth (renewed . laughter), approaching the age of 30, with excellent ' experience, which upon him has not been thrown away. I shall not speak in his behalf in returning thanks as one ot your members. He will speak for himself, and both here and elsewhere I am satisfied he will give satisfaction, and not disgrace you. (Cheers.) Well now, it is said I am all for union. lam going to give, proof of some want of it by differing from my honourable friend the member for the Eastern Division on my left, who says that the object of our meeting to-day was principally to celebrate the election for Carlisle. I differ from that altogether. I say it is a triumph and an exultation at the gallant victory both in the Eastern Division and in the city, that we are met here to celebrate. (Cheers.) And I cordially adopt— though I differed from my, friend on that point i — I cordially adopt another sentiment which fell from [ him. He said that it would be ungenerous in the ex treme on that occasion to say one word ot disparagement of the gentleman with whom in this city we recently had a struggle, and whom with some difficulty we succeeded in beating. He is an honourable gentleman. He has a spotless private character. He fought the battle fairly, and I have not one word to say against him. (Cheers.) It was said it was desirable that the mantle ot Mr. Hodgson should fall upon Mr. Lawson jn one particular— namely, in obtaining some augmentation of the poor clergy hi the diocese. Now, I would by no means advise my friend, Mr. Lawson, not to do his utmost in that direction , but as it is said we may be likely to have another election, I must put him on his guard not to make any promises in that direction. (Cheering and laughter, which drowned the subsequent sentence of the right lon. baronet.) Mr. Vice-President, there is a gentleman sitting on your left* hand— the Rev. J. Halifax— who talked of halfstarved clergy in rags. (Laughter.) Now, if my friend Mr. Lawson is to succeed with the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, I say Mr. Halifax must not make his appearance. (Great laughter.) If he is to be taken as a type of the clergy of this diocese, they j will not think there is a single clergyman here who is j half-starved and in rags. (Renewed laughter.) This .j is not an opportunity for adverse debate. I will not utter one word of disparagement of Mr. Hodgson ; but Jon the other ihand the principle is laid down by my friend on the right— Mr. Marshall— tha| the majority in this country must rule. Until the last year I thought that was an axiom in politics, but that it has been attempted with some success I shall not here discuss. That the reverse should be the rule— that the minority should govern and the majority agree to it— a more unsouncVprinciple was never entertained. (Cheers.) What does Mr. Hodgson say ? He says that one-half of the constituency is on his side. There are 1,100 ■electors for the city. 475 voted for Mr. Hodgson. Arithmetic is a stubborn thing (laughter), and no rule of arithmetic with which I am acquainted justifies the assertion that 475 is the half of 1,100. (Cheers and laughter.) But more than that. It is asserted that one-half of the constituency were on his side, and more than one-half of the inhabitants of Carlisle were on liis side also. (Laughter ) I could not think that from the appearance of the market place on the day when the return was made. (Cheers.) I did not see any symptoms of more than one. half the inhabitants of Carlisle being on the side of Mr. Hodgson (laughter), but I will only say this, if a substantial Reform Bill passes — Mr. Hodgson would appear to have household suffrage to make an appeal— as he does— to all the inhabitants of Carlisle ; I don't go so far as thst— l should be satisfied with a £6 value instead of £10, or rather I should say the municipal franchise made the parliamentary franchise, and let that good day come. (Cheers.) I say if a substantial Reform Act passes, let Mr. Hodgson appeal, not to the inhabitants of Carlisle, but to a constituency doubled or trebled, and I think he will find he was deceived when "he stated the majority of the inhabitants of Carlisle were desirous to see him again returned: (Cheers.) But now. gentle men, though I say we should not make this the occasion of debate, yet there is a contest, not approaching, but a contest now raging, which it is impossible for a meeting of this kind to overlook. Mr. Marshall has dwelt somewhat upon the conflicting statemente with regard to the course taken by Russia, The Chancellor of the Exchequer, from the hustings at Aylesbury, has given one account , the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, ftom the hustings at Horsham, has given another. Mr. Disraeli says thete is no convention. Mr. Fitzgerald points to a tjlegraphic despatch from the First Minister of the Emperor of Russia that there is a written understanding. Now, "a written understanding* and "a convention'' — is it a play upon words ? The British Government may have been deceived. It is highly possible. Mr. Howard Tour chaiiman, looks forward to the preduction of. the despatches when Parliament meets. He says we must learn and read them. He little knows the difficulty of inwardly digesting them. (Laughter and cheers ) But on the present state of affairs, as to what may have taken place previous to the unhappy advent of a war in Europe, the Government may have been deceived. I would much rather think that they have than that they should have attempted to deceive us. (Cheers.) But I am s>orry to say that the dilemma is this— either they have been grossly deceived, or they hare attemptrd to deceive us. Well now, I say it is the most melancholy spectacle that the world e^er witnessed, in the state of advanced civilization in which we now live, that the passions of three or four men—uncontrolled by popular assemblies, uncontrolled by a free press— from mere wantonness and caprice and passion, should involve the civilized world^in war such as is now taking place. ( Cheers .) It is the most melancholy, the most degrading spectacle that ever was presented to human power and human freedom in the advanced stage of civilization in which we now live. I have read the proclamations of the Emperor of the French, on the one hand, and the Emperor of Austria on the other. It is vain to balance where the fault lies. 111 1 think .the whole fault arises on the part of the Enipe- 1 ror of the French, but Austria abandoned her vantage j ground in not standing on the defensive, and not be- j coming the assailant. But it is vain to adjudicate be- ' tween parties in a question of degree. The question is i what is the policy of England ' Her policy is peace, ! and he wilh<be the best Minister who seeks effectually to keep this country oat of war so long as the honour and safety of England is secure. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Howord, in terms too fine, has expressed an opinion j with regard to the navy. I, from long experience, am justified in forming an opinion and giving some advice. In the present state of affairs I hold it necssary for the defence of the honour of England, that her defensive means should not be neglected, and I observe with the utmost satisfaction that Her Majesty's Government have offered very considerable encouragements for an increased number of seamen, and that the whole naval preparations are advanced. So far it is right and politic, but the use of these means will require the utmost discretion. Again I repeat that that Minister will best deserve the confidence of the people of this country who, while he maintains our honour and independence, keeps us out of this fatal war. (Cheers.) Now, just consider for a moment that we "live at home at ease," and have never witnessed the horrors of war. Just think of that beautiful and lovely country— that country which the Apennines divide and the Alps and the sea surround- that seat of art and industry ; think wlut it is suffering at this moment, suffering from the unjustifiable passions of three or four men, sullied by , lust of power, under the pretext of advancing the cause •of liberty. [Cheers.] Think what it is now enduring — the harvest trodden under foot, the fruitful vine uprooted — the vine which Providence has given as the source of industry— the olive and mulberry tree cut down to make a fire for the wanton soldier. Half a century of industry will not make good the fatal effects of this one campaign ; and surety it isthe duty of every good and honest man in this country, while he takes precaution against such evils — it is the doty of every statesman to do his utmost to check this fatal evil, and

urge Europe to peace— to the arts of peace, those springs of commerce. [Cheers.] Mr. Howard quoted two lines with regard to the yeomanry of Cumberland. Just let me quote four lines which I always think of great beauty — "But reason frowns on war's unequal game, Where thousands fall to raise a single name, And children their forefathers' deeds regret,^ From age to age, in everlasting debt." [Renewed applause.] Great as were the exploits of our forefathers — great as was the gallantry during the long French war of our soldiers and sailors, still that fatal penalty of £800,000,000 of debt is hung around our necks— what Lord Brougham well expressed, I think, they are heavy securities on our part for the maintenance of peace ; and although in defence of our honour I do not doubt even the load of debt would be treated as insignificant, yet it not to be regarded as the most material condition of peace. Now, Mr. Lawson, I think— l believe it was on the hustings— referred to what he thought was still a sound maxim of policy — namely, peace, retrenchment* and reform. That was the mo.to under which we fought in my Lord Grey's Administration. It is a motto which I still hold to be sound. I Jim for peace If possible ; and with peace you will have retrenchment, and you will have reform. [Applause.] If you have not peace instead of retrenchment, you will have a boundless increase of taxation ; *nd 1 warn you with respect to reform, it will be put off to some day so distant, that I cannot hope to live to see it. Thereforel hold that peace, retrenchment, and reform are still sound maxims of British liberal policy — and with him lam disposed to maintain principle to the last moment, consistent with honour. [Ap- ' plause.] Now, gentlemen, I will only glance at the question of reform It was said truly, and I repeat it, that this is not an opportunity for debate, but still certain events have taken place in this last election which are impossible to overlook. I do I believe that corrupting measures were never pushed to a greater excess than in the election that is parsed: I will just particularise three boroughs. I will take one in England, another, the good town of Berwick-upon- Tweed, which is a border city ; and there shall be the city of Gal way in Ireland. Now, it is impossible for me to speak with certainty ; but still there are circumstances connected with these three elections most suspicious. You are aware with regard to Dover, when the First Lord of the Admiralty asked Captain Carnegie to go and stand for Dover, Captain Carnegie, who had endeavoured or promised to represent a borough in favour of Government w ith a good prospect of success, informed the f'rst Lord of the Admiralty hehad made inquiries at Dover, and he was satisfied success was impossible without the use ot means which as a man of honour he could not use. (Hear). The First Lord of the Admiralty said, " There is no option," and he intimated that he must go to Dover. Captain Carnegie refused, and resigned his seat at the Admiralty. (Applause.) Now, the annual expenditure of Englendfor packet communication approaches 1,000,0002. annuall} , an enormous expenditure. The packet establishment at Dover had been conducted until very recently by contract. The contract had expiied. Before the election the question of renewing it had been brought under consideration of Government. The Government had declined to renew the contract ; and it is stated (I cannot vouch for it) that immediately upon the eve of the (lection the contract which had been refused was entered into, | and the fact of that new contract for packet service j at Dover turned the votes of a very decisive number |of voters. That is something against Dover. Now, | Berwick-upon- Tweed. Again I say I know not i that these facts can be proved, but there is an old j castle at Berwick. Berwick hasi>een very anxious that the castle should be repaired, and a barrack instituted there, which would be of advantage to the town by causing a considerable expenditure. It ia said "that immediately before the election a promise was given that the castle sheuld be improved, that a barrack should be established there, and that the desire the town felt should, at a considerable public public expenditure, be gratified. Now, what is the case of Galway, I can speak more positively. At a cost of £240,000 a year of public money, intercourse is established between this country and America through the medium of the Cunard packets passing from Liverpool to North America ; and there is further, at the expense of the American Government, a system of packets between New York and Southampton, and any man with the necessary means for the expense can pass from the States to England, and from England to the United States, with the certainty of the old mail coach, once in a fortnight. Now, m Government bethought themselves,* at the instance of a valuable body of members in the west of Ireland, that it would be desirable to add to this communication a communication by Galway, at a cost of £7^,000 a-year. I say it would have been cheaper lor the people of England to give the Government £100,000 capital to be expended in secret sen ice money in buying up the Galway votes and debauching the voters rather than £70,000 under contract for seven years. (Loud applause.) But they made the contract, and the consequence has been that Mr. Lever, the head of the company, was returned at the head of the poll an avowed supporter of Lord Derby. (Hear, hear.) I will go no further. I have given you three instances. Well, now, it just occurs to me while speaking, that you will be aware the publicans at an election are a very influential body, extremely desirous to consult the public ; but they have always complained of the small allo wince for billeting soldiers — only three half-pence a day. At the very moment of the election, the War Department, by an act of prerogative, Parliament not sitting, increases the allowance to 4d. Are not these matters, Sir, pregnant with the greft'est meaning? We shall see how this new House of Commons deals with them. I am anxious to have a Reform Bill as soon as possible; but lam decidedly of opinion that a searching, impartial inquiry into the means of alleged corruption used at this election is the preliminary step. It-will lay bare the plague spots which require immediate excision, if not a healing cure, which I fear is impossible, for it will require a deep cutting with the pruning knife, and a thorough probing of matter to show to an honest Government the direction the remedial measures should take. (Applause.) But, Sir, is thia all ? If there is a subject more delicate, more tender than another, it is the question of the treatment of religious sects in this country. (Hear, hear.) Now, lam about to speak in the presence of a valued, and, I had t lmost said, a much-loved friend, of the Roman Catholic persuasion (referring to Mr. Philip Howard.) (Applause.) Mr. Bowyer, a Roman Catholic, at Dundalk, sated on the hustings that Lord Derby's Government had given reason to the Roman" Catholics in Ireland to believe that they contemplated granting a charter of incorporat ion for a Roman Catholic University in Dublin. I lam utterly incredulous to any such intention. I do i not believe that Lord Derby's Government, if it re- ' maia in power, will ever grant the charter; but cer- | tainly Mr. Bowyer is a gentleman on whom reliance 1 can be placed ; and stated reason to hope had been ! given that such a charter should be granted. Now, that is what has been done in Ireland. Has nothing of the same sort been done in England ? lam afraid in a case at Nottingham, where the Roman Catho- | lies had at repeated former elections done their very j utmost to support Liberal candidates, from communications made to the Roman Catholic priesthood, in the shape of a confidential communication to them, it was desired from authority the Roman Catholics should vote for Mr. Paget, the Whig, and lor another gentleman who was a candidate in Lord Derby's interest. The Roman Catholics there manfully repudiated any such ad rice. It was attempted to seduce them from their former course, but mantully they voted as before: (Applause.) Now, there is a stronger case I am really grieved to bring before your notice. No event in the late elections has excited my surprise and sorrow so much as the defeat of the two liberal candidates for South Lanca^ shire. Now, I hold in my hand a paper sent me from.Liverpool yesterday. It is the ' Daily Post' of Saturday, May 7, and I will read to you a letter from Bishop Goss, Roman Catholic Bishop of Liverpool, a confidential circular addressed to the Roman Catholic priesthood in that county : — "Reverend and dear Sir,— l am directed by the Bishop to inform .you that he has reliable information of the intention of Lord Derby's Government to make to Catholics a reasonable concession in regard to spiritual aid to Catholic inmates of gaols, work* houses, &c." This was a communication from the Roman Catholic bishop at a critical moment of the election, and now I will read you the statement in the paper:— " Lord Derby has employed Loid Camden, son of Lord Gainsborough, to exerciie surreptitious influ-

ence over the Catholic bishops of England and Irelamfc.. Cardinal Wiseman has lent his support, and the world will hardly believe it when I tell them of this interference of the -episcopacy. Lord Camden owes his influence to his recent conversion. He hai been in Birmingham, he has been in Liverpool; he has called upon the Catholic bishop and hasbroughtthere a lettei from Lord Derby ; and in this letter he promises, on condition that the Catholics support his Government, to put the Roman Catholics in power ? Not at all. To make magistrates of the Catholics ? Not at all. To give office to Catholics r Not at all ? But to place Catholic gaol chaplains in England upon the same footing as Catholic chaplains in Ireland " (Laughter and applause.) Now, it is 40 years since I first entered Parliament on the principle of religious liberty. I have constantly and uniformly supported the claim of my Catholic brethren to a perfect equality of civil rights. ' I was long a member of the Opposition under Lord Grey, under Lord Brougham, under Lord Althorpe, and under Lord John Russell, till 1830— for 20 years, by virtue of self-denial) refused all access to power, rather than relinquish the claim* of Roman Catholics to equal participation. (Cheers.) Were the Roman Catholics ungrateful ? I have never found them so.' They ruiy.e invariably, wherever I have had an opportunity d& asking their support, given it freely and upon principle. At this veiy last election here, notwithstanding all that had been done to tamper with Roman Catholics in the manner I have shown you, Mr. Lnwson and I had the uncompromising, honest, and independent sup • port of a Roman Catholic priest, high in the respect of the congregation here, (Applause.) Well now, I may be excused if I avail myself of this opportunity of expressing to, you the feelings of my heart. In my own immediate neighbourhood, from my earliest youth, I have known a Roman Catholic family I knew the late Mr. Henry Howard of Corby ; and I sty it, though in his presence, it is no vain adulation, if 1 were to point out what arc the Christian virtues of an English gentleman, I could not signalise them more than in the peraon of my hon friend Mr. P. 11. Howard. (Loud applause.) I have told you how I have learnt to estimate and to value the character of a Roman Catholic gentleman. It is a long experience ; but in it I have never seen but forgiveness of injuries, kindness, gentleness, unsullied honour, and perfect independence (Applause.) I may unintentionally have thwarted him in some object of his legitimate ambition. Has he resented it? On the contrary, if I hadbsen his dearest friend he could not have exerted himself more than he has invariably done, and my heart would be cold indeed if I did not seiza this opportunity of tendering him my hearty and sincere thanks. Well but gentlemen, union is tecommended- among us. I see many gentlemen here whom I am rejoiced to see upon this occasion. I may have committed errors ; but I am not ashamed to say that what I was I still am, and I hope I will again nVet you such as lam and receive from you the same kindness which I have experienced, till the close of my political life. (Loud cheers.)