Russia and the East. [From Bell's Weekly Messenger. 27th March]

Daily Southern Cross, Volume X, Issue 641, 19 August 1853, Page 4

Russia and the East. [From Bell's Weekly Messenger. 27th March ]

Matters' wfear a dubious aspect in the Eaii. Turkey, once the arbiter of European destiny, is prostrate at" the f6et of her semi-barbarous 1 European neighbours. It only remains for England to keep aloof in this crisis, and a second partition, more tameless, more wicked, and more disastrous io human progress and liberty, than that of Poland, -mil be consummated But England has too much at stake to permit this partition by the hungry and ruthless desjnts, who are in attitude to pounce on their crouching prey. England will assuredly interfere, and an Euiopean war will be for a time averted by some hypocritical concession on the part of Russia. We have already oointed out, that the policy of Russia —or, rather, what Russians hold to be her destiny—is to absorb European Turkey. To consolidate the despotism of Russia all over the easfc of Europe, nothing is wanting but Constantinople, and the magnificent seaboard Russia would acquire by such an event. Russia has a splendid fleet at this moment, but no sea-ports worth naming to need it; but with Constantinople in her grasp, the Mediterranean would soon become, not a French lake, as was the aspirations of the first Bonaparte, but a Russian lake, -and would justify a navy as formidable as England's. We have shown in previous articles how Russia has throughout, for the last century at least, pursued her unvarying policy —sometimes by open force, at other times by stealthy and indirect approaches. The present enormous step in advance may be considered as having been masked by hollow preteuces. Russia in this instance has exhibited the advancing, as she will shortly display the retiring, wave; but with every advance, and with each retirement, she will be found to have made great progress towards her ultimate object. Such is her policy. The main question, however, is. what will England do in this emergency r Will she allow an ancient ally to be blotted from the face of Europe, or will she stand forward, with her irmies and fleets, to prop up the tottering Ottoman empire ? Whpfc will France do ? Will she join with England or stand aloof, with her own game to play? Will she •watch the contest, resolved to take her advantage the moment the fighting powers have become exhausted by the conflict? Without attempting to unravel the complication, the varied diplomacy, and the intricate mazes in which the Turkish question is involved, each power —Russia, Austria, and France, having a separate game to play, and in a separate way —we may be pardoned if we attempt io indicate the course of policy, which is likely to guide the English , Cabinet. j First, however, we must premise, by ex- \ pressing our regret that at this most extraordinary and unforeseen emergency we should have a Cabinet in oflice, in which the country at large does not place implicit; trust. No doubt sections of the community—Manchester Liberals, and Freetraders, -Scotch Political Economists, Roman Catholics, Ultramontanists, and Latitudinarians, each feel themselves fairly and fully represented in the piebald Coalition ministry; but the sound-hearted Protestant majority of the country look on with not unfounded distrust. But still, with all defects, we cannot bring ourselves to believe, that any body of Englishmen, having important t fusts placed in their hands by the Queen, would consent to any course of policy inimical to the true interests of the empire, or derogatory to its proper dignity. Well, then, how do we stand with respect | to the Turkish qtfestion ? M. Lavalette, on ! the part of France, has had much to do with the attitude affiairs Lave assumed. Count Leiningen, on the part of Austria, has also something to answer for; but most of all, as might be expected, Prince Mensehikoff, on the part of Russia, is culpable. France has, however, seen her mistake, and has attempted to repair it by relinquishing some of those concessions wrung from Turkey through the agency of her bigotted Ultramontane, priesthood. Austria, which followed suit, has professed to be pacified by other concessions, extorted from Turkey on the plea of religious liberty. Rusaia has i put forward the religious plea also, but only '\ as a cover to political designs of a long cherished character. Russia, however, appears to have somewhat miscalculated the ; chances in her favour. Russia evidently speculated on the coolness which was be-; lieved to exist between France and Eng- ] land, on the ; asserted preparations for inva- i sion, supposed to be in forwardness on one : side, and on the defensive activity displayed on the other. But the common danger arising from Russian ambition —for France would suffer equally with England, if the Russian Bear once transferred its northern den to Constantinople, —has produced explanations between the two countries, and we believe we are justified in saying, an. agreement also for co-oporation in case of need. We may observe, that *Lord Stratford de Redcliffe and Mr. Layard have had interviews with the French Emperor on the Turkish question, and that these interviews did not terminate until a completely satisfactory plan of combined action was agreed upon. Lord Stratford ,de Redcliffe immediately set off for Constantinople, and we may soon expect to hear of a diversion in favour of the Sultan. We believe that the sudden order for the French fleet to make its way to the Greek waters was entirely owing to the agreement just concluded, and to the report that the British fleet in the Mediterranean had sailed for theßosphorus. The British fleet was certainly requested to make its appearance in that quarter, in

consequence of the bullying attitude 1 of Bus sia, and the helplessness of iihe Sultan; but we since learn that, that the request Was not complied with by Admiral Dundas, and we must say, with the evidence before us, and the inferences we have a right to draw from antecedents, that we regret that this request was not granted. If Colonel Rose had authority to request the attendance of the British fleet, that request should have been promptly acceded to, Colonel Rose being responsible for his own acts. If otherwise, then Colonel Rose was an improper person to be intrusted with protecting pro tern, the interests of Great Britain. We have no fear, however, of the fleets of France and England being called into action by the pertinacity of Russia. So long as unity of sentiment prevails between the two countries, Russia is comparatively powerless — she must postpone her designs on Turkey. Russia will bide her time, until France and England become embroiled ; then she will take possession, without opposition, of Constantinople. Nay, so strong is the belief, even of the Turks themselves, that this consummation is inevitable, that they do not hesitate to speculate openly upon the event, and to fix a time for its accomplishment. But it may be asked, why should England desire to see the turbaned infidel retain a position in Europe, in preference to being displaced by a nation with the name, at least, of Christians ? We reply, because the day has gone by when Mohammedanism cat give alarm to Europe- While Christianity — except in its Protestant form — has become more intolerant and despotic, Mohammedanism has become more liberal and tolerant. It is now acknowledged that the Christiana under the yoke of Turkey enjoy more practical freedom and religious liberty, than they would do under either the sway of Austria or Russia. The question, therefore, is no longer a religious but a political question. If Russia acquired Constantinople, we should suffer commercially. Our trade with Russia is stagnant^ and almost profitless; with Turkey it is expanding and highly profitable. Turkey takes our finished manufactures — Russia excludes most of them by a high tariff, and only trades with us for what she cannot just yet produce as cheaply as we do. But Russia is fast becoming our rival, even in our staple manufactures, thanks to the Manchester school of economists, who have supplied her with our machinery and with all the improvements and mysteries of our manufacturing arts and sciences. Then, again, Russia has ulterior designs on our Indian empire. She has emissaries in various parts of India, and has pushed her outposts nearly, if not quite, to Affghanistan. It will be seen therefore, that England can by no means allow Russia quietly to possess herself of such important means' of aggrandising herself, and of humbling thiß country, and crippling its commerce. With equal force objections apply to conceding to Austria what that power claims from Turkey. Austria has shown herself the mean, ungrateful, and insolent enemy of England, and she longs for an opportunity to deal us an effectual blow. Fear alone restrains her, but she insults and injures Englishmen individually, wherever she can, and one day her conduct will draw down upon her an amount of chastisement, which no one will regret. So much, then, for Austria and Russia. But then, the fact must not be overlooked, that France, too, has views on Turkey antagonistic to those of Russia, and yet equally dangerous to the interests of England. We need scarcely point out the vulnerable point of our vast empire in India France desires to regain her position in that wealthy part of the world. She remembers she was driven from her ports by British arms ; she will one day endeavour to return the compliment. But under present circumstances, we think we may- depend upon the co-operation of France against Russia, and this being so, we may rest assured, notwithstanding that great Russian organ, the 'Times,' coolly talks of the necessity for yielding Turkey to Russia, there will be no dismemberment of our old ally yet awhile, and no European war arising from the affairs of the East. 1 U