WHAT ITALY, WANTS

Dominion, Volume 31, Issue 272, 13 August 1938, Page 2 (Supplement)

WHAT ITALY, WANTS

Mussolini On World Affairs AN ARMED PEACE Signor Mussolini, speaking at Genoa after Herr Hitler’s visit to Rome, said: “Comrades, do not b -• surprised if, as has almost always happened at these memorable gatherings of people, I speak to you of certain questions of international character, “At 6 p.m. on March 11 Italy found herself once again at the crossroads and an immediate decision was necessary. On this decision depended peace or war, therefore Europe’s destiny. “But since what had happened (the German occupation of Austria) did not reach us with surprise, but was mostly but a logical development, we replied immediately and clearly ‘No,’ to a diplomatic step which in this concrete case was absolutely more useless than all others. “Enemies of Italy and anti-Fascists of all factions were terribly disappointed and abandoned themselves to an explosion of fury. Evidently, they wanted a clash between tin two totalitarian Powers with the worst kind of complications, not excluding war, even if this war would have opened the doors of Europe to the triumph of Bolshevism. “It was not necessary, as has been said, but our strong will which dictated our attitude, and this attitude was inspired by wisdom, and to those beyond the mountains who once again wish to remind us with naive melancholy what we did in 1934, we reply once more before you and the entire Italian people which is listening, that since then, until March 1938, much water has flowed beneath the bridges of the Tiber, the Spree, the Thames, the Danube and also the Seine. “While this water flowed more or less tumultuously, those sanctions, which we have never forgotten, were applied against Italy, who was engaged in a bloody and gigantic task. In the meantime, all that which was diplomatic and political, and is referred to under the generic name of ‘Stresa,’ is dead and burled. “As far as we are concerned it will never be resurrected.' “Nor can Italy permit itself the luxury of mobilisation at the end of each four years to stop a vital development of national revolution. “These are reasons of contingent order. But there is one of still higher character which I would like to proclaim here in this city which had the honour and pride of having given birth to Mazzini. “Fascist Italy could not indefinitely assume that which had been the odious and useless task of the old Austria of the Hapsburgs, namely, to oppose the movement of a nation towards unity. ,“It was not for fear of complications that we acted in that way, because this fear does not, and will never, find room in our souls. “That which led us to act the way we did was dictated by our consciousness of a sense of honour and loyal friendship towards Germany. “Now the two worlds—Germanic and Roman —are in immediate contact. Their friendship is everlasting and collaboration between the two revolutions is designed to give an imprint to this century which cannot fail to be fruitful. “This 4 is what the Italian people wished to signify when they welcomed the German Chancellor. Words which were pronounced on the night of May 7 in the Plazzo Venezia (by Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini) were welcomed by the conscious enthusiasm of the two peoples. These words do not represent a political or diplomatic declaration, but something solemn and definite in history. “The axis to which we will remain faithful has not prevented us following a policy of reaching accords with those who sincerely desire them. Thus in March last year we realised an entente with Yugoslavia, and since than peace has reigned on the shores of the Adriatic. The Accord With Britain. “Even recently we reached accord With Britain. At the bottom of our differences which threatened grave dangers to the relations between the two nations there was much misunderstanding and, let us even say, ignorance in the meaning which had been given . to this, word, which comes from the verb ‘ignorare.’ “For too many foreigners Italy is a country badly painted by mediocre and coloured literature, and it is high time to know this Italy of arms and work. “The last speech spoken by the English Prime Minister was an effort to get out of the underbush of commonplaces and recognise in all its majesty and strength this Italy of ours—the Italy of Fascism and the Blackshirt revolution.

“The agreement between Londbn and Rome is an agreement between two Empires which extends from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. Since it is our determination to respect this agreement scrupulously, 1 and since we think that the rulers of Great Britain will do the same, we may suppose that the agreement will be lasting. “You will allow me to be circumspect regarding the conversations with France because they are still progressing.

“I do not know if they will come to a conclusion, because on. a most vital matter,- such as the war in Spain, we are on.opposite, sides of the barricades: they desire a Barcelona victory and we, instead, desire a Franco victory. “Comrades of Genoa, during these last twelve years Italy has made swift progress, and Genoa with her. But what we have done can only be considered as-one stage. In the struggle of nations and continents there can be no pause. He who pauses is lost. That is why the Fascist regime x ill do all that is necessary to increase your maritimeTraffle and your industrial initiative.

“Those who believe that the struggle for autarchy, which xve will continue to pursue with extreme vigour, will diminish trade are in error. Autarchy does not alter the whole volume of trade.

“The . aims of our policy are clear. We want peace—peace with everyone; and I can tell you that National-Social-ist Germany, no less ardently than we, desires European peace. "But peace, to be secure, must be armed peace. That is why I have wished at Genoa our fleet should gather, to show you and to Italians or our two most continental regions, Piedmont and Lombardy, what is our effective strength upon the sea. We want peace, but we must be ready with all our strength to defend it, especially when speeches are heard, even from beyond the ocean, which compel us to meditate. “We may possibly exclude the idea that the so-called big democracies are really preparing themselves for doctrinal war. But, anyway, it is as well that it should be known that in such an [eventuality the totalitarian nations would immediately form a bloc and parch to the very end.”

STAMP DIPLOMACY What collector’s album doesn’t bulge with stamps from African colonies? At the turn of the present century, when the colonising nations of Europe held parts of Africa under certain suzeranities dubiously titled as protectorate, or colony, or simply claimed large areas by virtue of grants obtained by trading companies, the world was little informed as to which sections belonged to one nation or which were under the control of another, says a writer in the “Christian Science Monitor,” in an interesting study of postal tactics. Stamps printed by nations, with specific missions to perform beside the mail-carrying function, have been increasingly issued by European Governments since the World War. Two such postal delegates appeared in the principality of Firnne, a com-