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The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, l938. FOREIGN POLICY AND A CRISIS

The significance of the split in the British Cabinet, followed by 1 the resignations of Mr. Eden and Viscount Cranborne over questions of foreign policy, can only be measured by its effects both upon the course of international affairs and upon the political scene at Home. Reduced to its simplest elements the issue between the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary is whether, as Mr. Eden urges, the British Government should decline to temporise any further with treaty-breaking Powers, or persevere, as My. Chamberlain insists, with a policy of restraint and compromise in the hope that in the end everybody will be satisfied and peace will prevail. To follow Mr. Eden’s line would be to incur, Mr. Chamberlain believes, and declares without any attempt to disguise his reading of the situation, serious risk of war with Italy. Mr. Eden apparently does not deny that such a risk exists, but prefers that the risk should be run in order that Jhe prestige and authority of British influence in international affairs should be restored. . . How far 'British public sentiment will support Mr. Eden it is difficult to say—the sympathetic cheers which greeted him in the House of Commons when he explained his position may or may not be a true indication of the temper of the nation. It is important to remember that the principles by which he is determined to adhere at the sacrifice of his office, and possibly of his career as a statesman, are those upon which h?s party under Mr. Baldwin was returned at last General Elections—collective security, support of the League of Nations, and the vindication of the sanctity of teaties. In the light of what has since occurred, however, such a policy to-day would, be regarded by realists as quixotic. The system of collective action has gone by the board, the League of Nations is for all serious practical purposes moribund, and the repudiation of treaties has become almost a commonplace. ... International morality has suffered a deterioration that can only be rectified by immensely superior backing in strength of arms to every protest that is made by those who are striving to re-assert the rule of law. Such protests are amply justified, and Mr. Eden is right in thinking that they should be made, but it may be argued that he is . right in an idealistic rather than in a practical sense. Such protests as already have been made have either been ignored or treated with contempt. Why? Because the means to enforce recognition and compliance have not been at hand. Mr. Chamberlain’s view, in effect,. is that it is useless to attempt enforcement in the absence of two essential requisites to success. One is an adequate augmentation of Britain s armed resources; the other a more precise and dependable recognition in the past of those nations who support the rule of law of their obligation to take active service if need be in vindication of it.. Where British public opinion may join issue with Mr. Chamberlain is on the question of treating with a nation that in various ways, and chiefly through mischievous and calculated propaganda damaging to our prestige in the Eastern Mediterranean and Palestine, has forfeited the respect of men of principle. It will be strongly inclined to resent the jubilant comment in Italy that Mr. Eden’s defeat is a..triumph for Signor Mussolini, incidentally for Herr Hitler, and more remotely, for Japan. It remains to be seen what sort of bargain Mr, Chamberlain will be able to make with Italy as the result of his decision to negotiate. t Viscount Halifax is to be Foreign Secretary, it is stated, for the time being, but already objections have been'raised to the transference of the Minister-in-Chief of Foreign Affairs from the House of Commons to the House of Lords. Although there are a number of precedents for this—as in the case of the Marquis of Lansdowne and the Marquis of Salisbury—there has been a ( growing opinion in Britain that the Foreign Secretary should be more accessible to the popular chamber, however efficient his under-secretary in the House of Commons might happen to be. In regard to the possible reactions of the crisis upon the British electorate, the hard fact to be faced by the public, however unpalatable that may be, is that the stark realities of the international situation have forced British foreign policy to adopt’ a defensive and placatory attitude. If we are to accept Mr. Chamberlain’s view, the alternative is to risk another European War. Mr. Eden’s objection to making concessions, as he says, “under threats,” is based no doubt upon his belief that the dictatorship States, exploiting this fear of war, are bluffing through with one fait accompli after another in the confident assurance that Britain has not the cards with which to call their bluffs. This attitude,, however, is not likely to promote a more conciliatory atmosphere-if, as Mr. Chamberlain evidently feels convinced, there still remains a possibility of such an atmosphere being created. If patience and restraint can do this, time will still be on the side of the right.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19380223.2.69

Bibliographic details

Dominion, Volume 31, Issue 127, 23 February 1938, Page 10

Word Count
861

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, l938. FOREIGN POLICY AND A CRISIS Dominion, Volume 31, Issue 127, 23 February 1938, Page 10

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, l938. FOREIGN POLICY AND A CRISIS Dominion, Volume 31, Issue 127, 23 February 1938, Page 10

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