FLAG CRISIS

Dominion, Volume 21, Issue 83, 6 January 1928, Page 6

F LAG CRISIS

HOW SOUTH AFRICA SOLVED HER PROBLEM A TIME OF GREAT TENSION The South African Uuiou Parliament met on October 14 in an atmosphere heavy with the blackest forebodings (writes the Cape Town correspondent of the “Argus”). Mr. Amery’s six weeks’ tour had done something to improve tempers, yet lie had offered no solution of the flag question. In the nature of things he could not do more than hint at the wisdom of peaceful settlement. On the day of his sailing he received from the Prime Minister (General Hertzog) a heartening message. “All will be well,” sail the general, “with South Africa.” That was optimistic. It was ultimately, however, the fact, that all sections really wished for peace if a way of peace could be found which compelled a settlement. For some weeks before the meeting of Parliament supporters and opponents of the Flag Bill had been organising their forces for the referendum. Within a day or two of Mr. Amery’s departure General Hertzog had gone to Bloemfontein to address a congress of the Nationalist Party. His speech was regarded as disastrous. It seemed to have been expressly calculated to destroy any hope of settlement. There followed an episode at Bloemhof, where a meeting which General Smuts was to address, consisting mainly of Dutchspeaking Transvaalers, was broken up by an organised band of Nationalists. On the same day the Minister of Justice (Mr. Tielman Roos) was drafting the memorandum out of which emerged the final settlement. Mr. Roos is often regarded in South Africa as something of a political flaneur. He is certainly a most complex character. He has never taken politics very seriously. He has loved a practical joke in polities. Perhaps the most astonishing example was the note he addressed to the Powers in 1918, when, on the basis of President Wilson’s principle of self-determination, he demanded the restoration of the Republics of the Transvaal and Free State. The escapade had serious consequences for South Africa, because, to his amazement, he found that his own people had taken him seriously. But he has a brilliant wit, and he has also a genuine desire to see the two races co-operating in South Africa. He was enormously impressed by the last Imperial Conference. Throughout the flag controversy he has been careful to avoid extremes. His word carries enormous weight with the Boers of the Transvaal, and though the Transvaal Nationalists could easily have been roused by him to a state of immense excitement on the flag issue, they have, in fact, remained singularly cold, and have been inclined to ask what all the pother was about.

The Peace Terms. Hence it was possible for Mr. Roos to emerge in the crisis as one who had remained, in a sense, detached. Though he had long been a bitter and determined opponent of General Smuts in the Iransvaal countryside, he had some following among the English-speaking community, who liked him for his personal bonhomie end his lively sense of the ridiculous, rhe Bi'l. as it was to bo reintroduced, provided that the national flag should consist of tb r eo stripes of equal breadth—orange, while, blue —horizontally, with a shield in the centre of the white stnne, within which were “embalmed the three historic flags, the Union Jack; and the old Republican flags. The Union Jack was to be allowed to fly as a symbol of our relations with the British Commonwealth of Nations, but it was not to be a flag of South Africa. Mr. lloos spoke of the measure as defining the Union Jack as “the Imperial flag of South Africa,” and the national flag be designated as the flag of South Africa for domestic purposes. At the same time tie declared that lie personally, did not regard the principle of the shield as vital. This admission was of great importance, as the whole English-speaking community viewed the shield as a device to coffin” the historic flags, and its toeling had not been abated by the fact that Dr. Van de Merwe, one of tne mtranslgeant Nationalists, had spoken of it as a scab which, in course of time, would drop on and leave a clean flag. General Smuts pereceived the opportunity which Mr. Roos’s memorandum presented. True, the bill did not describe the Tnion Jack as one of the nags or South Africa. But if Mr. Roos regarded it in such a light, textual changes could easily make the necessary provision. Therefore General Smuts put certain questions tb the Government when the Bill was brought up for its first reading. The immediate reply was not encouraging. Neither General Hertzog nor Dr. Malan made the slightest allusion to Mr. Roos’s theories, aud both, insisted that the Government could make no further overtures, and that if any proposal was to bo considered at all it must come from the Opposition. However, good work had been done and better uoik was to bo done. The Bill came on for its second reading a day or t<o later, and after a chilling and uncompromising speech from Dr. Malan, the Ministei* in charge, Mr. Patrick Duncan, a Minister under General Smuts, urged that there should be an adjournment for further consideration. This proposal was accepted, and on the same day Mr. Duncan received word from Air. Tielman Roos that there was reason to think that General Hertzog would not ba unwilling to meet General Smuts. Onlv a few days before General Smuts had' been held up to public contempt by General Hertzog, but General Smuts proved once more his aloofness from the personal. There is reason to think that the Governor-General (the Earl of Atblone) also used his good offices in facilitating tho meeting between the two leaders. "After several meetings each leader agreed, without prejudice, to submit to his caucus the essence of the agreement which ultimately emerged. This was that the terms of the Bill should be amended so that the Union Jack should be declared to be one of the two flags of South Africa, while the shield on the national flag should bo replaced by the three historic flags in a much more recognised form than as microscopic emblems within a shield.

Ministers at Variance. The situation within the Cabinet was one of great tension. Dr. Malan is a man of considerable ability, with a certain narrow obstinacy on racial or senuracial matters. The trial of strength was between nim and Mr. Roos. It is an amazing fact that lie had the support against Mr. Roos of Colonel Creswell, the leader of the Labour Party, who visited Australia ou behalf of the Union for the Canberra inauguiational ceremonies. General Hertzog s position was difficult. He is not a man oi strung character, though he has a winning charm which lias always endeared lain t.i the public. It is enormously to tis credit that on this occasion he was strong enough to prevail. Dr. Malan found himself in a minority, but no without strong Cabinet support. All agree on the statesmanship with which the negotiations were conducted between the Primo Minister and General Smuts. Thev had the advantage of consulting without the presence of third parties, and it speaks well for the future that after such prolonged and embittered separation in the political turmoil of the last 20 years, they should have been able to carry out . difficult conversations on a friendly basis and to agree The caucuses gave their agreement also In the caucus of the South African Party the Natal members found it difficult to reconcile themselves to acceptance in the National Flag of so small a reproduction of the Union Jack, though they valued greatly the agreement that (he Union Jack would become one of the two flags of South Africa. Ultimately they fell into line, their decision lieing facilitated by the Prime Minister’s assurance that in the flying of the flags every consider ation would be shown by the Government for the sentiments of particular com muni lies.

The Bill, 'which will become an Act of Parliament in three days’ time, lays down that there shall be two flags of

the Uuiou; (1) the Union Jack, which shall symbolise membership of the Bri--1 isli Commonwealth of Nations, and winch shall fly on Parliament House aud at all public buildings at the two Union capitals and the provincial capitals, at all ports, and on the high seas, with the national flag; and (2) the national flag, with the shield replaced by the three historic flags as integral portions of tho national flag. When the Bill was read a second time in the House of Assembly there was a memorable scene in the Assembly (lining hall, where Mr. Tielman Roos, cutting up a large peace cake in slices for Ministers aud former Ministers of opposing parties, many of whom had hardly exchanged more than a few words for 12 or 15 years. After tho Bill had passed through tho Assembly crisis succeeded crisis within (he Cabinet until Dr. Malan flew off by aeroplane to Pretoria and thence launched an interview in which he stated a view of the settlement wholly at variance with his own speech in the Assembly. It seemed. impossible that ho could remain a Minister in General Ilertzog’s Ministry. For three days South Africa waited anxiously asking what was io happen. Dr. Malan’s Capitulation, What actually happened was hardly less surprising. Dr. Malan hastened back to Cape Town, and appeared in the Senate to move the second reading of the Bill. There be delivered a speech which fairly stated the terms of the settlement, defined the policy of the Government in practically identical terms with those employed by the Prime .Minister, and made no allusion to his Pretoria interview with “Die Burger." The crisis is now at an end, but it would seem that the same Cabinet cannot long continue to hold Dr. Malan and Mr. Roos.

[A Bill embodying the compromise design finally passed the Senate.]