THE EX-SOLDIER AS A CITIZEN

Dominion, Volume 14, Issue 125, 19 February 1921, Page 8

THE EX-SOLDIER AS A CITIZEN

WORK OF N.Z.R.S.A. STUDY OF IMPERIAL QUESTIONS URGED DOMINION’S DIFFICULTIES RECOGNISED NECESSITY FOR INDUSTRY AND THRIFT Tivo very interesting speeches were delivered at a gathering held by the Wellington Returned Soldiers’ Association on Thursday evening in support of the response to the toast of “The New Zealand Returned Soldiers’ Association.” In proposing the toast Mr. D. J. B. Seymour (formerly general secretary of the movement) said that in reference to the past work- of the R.S.A. he wished to stress only two points. The first wtis that the R.S.A. had never advanced any claim which did not come within the four corners of sound and equitable principle. It had never deliberately made an excessive demand in the expectation of receiving something less, and this policy had resulted in the general recognition by the public of the fact that what the association asked for was worthy of serious consideration. The second point was that, broadly speaking, the association had accomplished what it had originally set out to do. While critics, in view of what had been gained, could not understand why larger original demands had not been made, it was necessary for them remcmbei that the original programme was framedin view of all the circumstances at the time. And while he was far from maintaining that what had been done for the soldier fully satisfied the formula of a square deal in every respect, yet he was convinced that if the -account between the New Zealand soldier and lus country was compared with that between the soldiers of other parts of the Empire and their respective countries it would be found that while particular-items in the bill might be less than elsewhere (that for example Australia paid her soldiers better, and Canada gave a more liberal gratuity), nevertheless the total account would show a solid balance in favour of New Zealand. But it was particularly of the future he wished to speak. In New Zealand the lines of policy of the R.S.A. had been clearly defined, and the work o past years would bo required to bo continued for many years to come. But outside New Zealand there were fie ds of the utmost significance for the futuio to which he ventured) to draw the attention of the returned soldier and of, the R.S.A. He referred to the international situation and to the constitutiona problem of the Empire. No one could approach these questions even superficially without realising their supreme gravity in relation to the future of Kew In whatever direction they looked the future was dark with portens ’>«t { n approaching these problems the soldiei had particular reasons for expressing an opinion. Firstly, he had seen war in its nakedness. Secondly, he had seen other countries of tho world, and could appreciate their peculiar problems. Thirdly, the brunt of any war which might'fall upon New Zealand in the next twenty-five years would have to be borne by the veterans of tho Great M ar. But these factors alone were .far from warranting tho soundness of any judgment which the returned soldiers individually or collectively might form. .In , common with all citizens, he was menaced by two dangers when confronted by any future issue between peace and war. Tho dangers wore of being stampeded by tho party cries of blood lust and commercial interest on the one hand, and on the other of being induced to hold his hand until too late by visionary altruism or irresponsible selfishness- Only sound knowledge of (he facts got from hard and penetrating study could guide him aright through such disturbing and compelling forces. The immediate field with which New Zealand was most directly concerned was the Pacific, with its Indian a.nd Japanese problems. He would not argue for any conclusion—for example, ns"fo whether or not a formidable Pacific unit of the British Navy was necessary; but if it was decided that such was the case, and if New Zealand relied on such a navy for protection, it was obvious New Zealand must bear i s quota of the expense. To the R.S.A. and the ex-soldiers individually he commended the study of these problems. There was no more urgent need of an intelligent public opinion upon any matter with the possible exception of the industrial. Be had pleasure in coupling with the toast the names of Mr R. B. Bell and Mr- D. S. Smith, who had taken up the work of the R.S.A. at a time when their sound judgment was particularly useful, mid he could testify to the value of their services which he honed woud still be afforded the R;S.A. (Applause.) In replying to the toast, Mr. D. b. Smith (Dominion vice-president) said that it was a privilege to reply to a toast so eloquently proposed and so enthusiastically received. He had been associated with the movement in its early stages, when he endeavoured to draft a constitution which would be I leasing to the groups of eager and excited men who gathered in AVellington in tho 1916,'t0 form the association. He had come into the movement again within the last sixteen months and had assisted in drafting a fresh constitution to meet the new and growing needs of the movement He mentioned this matter to show that the R.S.A. was full of vitality. He did not believe that the work of the B.S.A. was finished. Evon when the association had accomplished some object for which it was striving, there was always some new need to he met. The headquarters of the association had to deni with policy questions, and also with cases of individual hardship. He had spoken to heads of Government Departments on the subject of the necessity for the R.S.A'., and had been glad to find that the official world welcomed the assistance of tho B.S.A. '.lhe R.S.A. checked and oiled the wheels of the official machine which, without such assistance, was npt, by Its very nature, and without any fault on the. part of the individuals, to run a little harshly. He believed that the best results were obtained by the co-operative action of the official Government Departments and the R.S.A.

The speaker proceeded to leler to the outstanding policy questions before the association. lie referred to the subject of pensions, and said that a satisfactory solution of this question was round up with the problems of the inflation of money and of credit. In 1917 the Government had fixed a sum of <£2 ■ per week as the pension payable to a soldier for total disability. In 1917 that amount represented, say, 100 articles per week. That was its measure in real wealth. In 1920 £2 might represent only GO articles, so that there had been diminution in the real recompense of a soldier for his physical disability. Logically it might appear that the Government should increase Um money grant to enable the soldier to continue to enjoy the same real recompense as before. There were, however, difficulties in the way. Times of inflation wete times of unsettlement and disturbance, when it was difficult for the Government to obtain an adequate amount by taxation, and compulsory requisitions were necessary. I he true po.-i--tion was that there were fewer articles in circulation per week to go round. In these circumstances, what the Govern-

ment said last year was, "We will endeavour to put the totally incapacitated man in the same position as before, and we will provide a money grant 'of -£50,000 to be distributed among the totally disabled men. In this way those men will be .able to obtain their 100 articles per week as heretofore. With regard to the partially disabled men, we (i.e., the Government) say that wo are unable in 1920 to give them the same recompense for their disability as we gave them in 1917. They must do with fewer articles.” There behind the Government’s attitude, but it was a matter for investigation as to whether the country could not give tho same recompense m 1920 as it gave in 1917. Of course when the purchasing power of money increased no doubt the Government would allow the to remain as the money recompense for theWdier, and in such case the sol dicr’s real recompense for his disability would lie greater than it was at present. These questions demanded close attention ami study during the current year. With respect to land, tho speaker sa that the immediate problems were bound up with the commercial and nrosneritv of tho country, lhe N.Z>. R S A was not a body which asked those who had been settled on land or established in businesses to look to the G ernment only for support. asked the Government to prondc assis ance to enable industrious and thrifty men to go on the land, but it. would be no party to supporting the claims of indolent men. The R.S.A. would pteach, in season and out of season, the necessity for the fundamental virtues of mdSrv and thrift, while at the sam time presenting with as much force as possible to the Government .individual eases which required assisVmce. In this wav tho R.S.A. representing the returned soldiers themselves, could make a material contribution to the fighting of any trade, depression that might occur. The K.b-A. believed that one of its most important functions was to assist the returned soldier to regain, if percliance he had lost it, his sense of responsibility for himself and his family, and for fulfilling all the duties of a good citizen. Referring to Mr. Seymour’s reference to the international field, Air. Smith said that he approved of such a proposal, provided that the R.S.A. could carry out such work on non-pohtical lines. That was essential. He believed that it could be done on nonpolitical lines. The speaker then referred to the present position of the Empire, and said, that Lord Milner had stated that) the old idea that the imperial Parliament ivas sovereign tor the Empire no longer held good, and that what was now in existence, in fact, was a series of six self-governing States, comprised of tho United Kingdom and the self-governing Dominions, who were bound together in an informal alliance cemented by the ties of blood and common interest. It was becoming trite to say that the situation was a serious one. He referred to the position of each self-governing Dominion, and expressed the view that Canada was the. only Do- ‘ minion which had an alternative to the finding of its defence within the Empire. Canada was protected by the Monroe doctrine of the United States, and could rest secure against all threats of aggression. South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand could only look for their defence within tho Empire, and the logic of facts would drive them to find such means of defence in spite of the independence of the respective Governments and in spite also of the fact that it was not clear that the British taxpayers had a definite interest in providing for the defence of the far-flung dominions. Great Britain was thicklv populated and far distant from tho seats of possible aggression agams.t the dominions. Why should the British taxpayer pay for their defence. There were thorny problems to be solved in this connection, those of Asiatic immigration and of the immigration of the coloured peoples within the Empire being among them. It was possible that the British Ministers might advise His Majesty the King to take a course of action differing from that which the King’s Dominion Ministers would advise hini 1 to take. What would bo the situation then? . . The speaker belie-veU that the N.Z. R.S.A., working as it did for the welfare of returned soldiers as citizens, might well discuss on non-party lines these common problems of defence and foreign policy, and he felt, therefore, that any contribution they might make to the discussion of these problems would be regarded with serious consideration by Cabinet. He concluded by saying that he had counted it a privilege to help in thv work of the N.Z.R.S.A., and he felt that the movement was worthy of the way in which its toast had been received thatevening. (Applause.)