The Dominion MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1918. SOWERS OF DISCORD
Used in a general way, the phrase "critics of Mb. Lloyd George and lis Government" is no' doubt, of fairly wide peope. But as it is used in the cablegrams to-day it seems to apply solely or chiefly to the queen-ly-assorted'and not very influential groups—including both pacifists and exponents of what may be called the extreme military viewpoint— which have attempted more than once in recent days to create the appearance of a crisis in British politics. The last attempt of the kind was based upon the ''disagreeable speech" which Mr. Lloki) George delivered at Paris on his way back from Italy ; in order to concentrate attention upon the n<»ed of a better co-ordination of Allied efforts. In meeting the accusations made against him on that occasion, the British. Prime Minister not only answered but routed his critics, and the great speech in w'hich ho emphasised tho supreme importance of promoting Allied unity and defended the part ho had wken in securing the- establishment of the Supreme War Council at Versailles seem? to have very largely anticipated the criticisms and complaints which arc mentioped to-day. The present agitation, it would appear, centres upon an allegation that the British Government has committed itself to some extraordinary centralisation of authority at Versailles and is concealing tho facts from Parliament and tho public. At lime of writing the only available sample of the rumours upon which the allegations are based- is a telegram from Colonel Eepington, at Paris, in which he declares that the decisions of the inter-AHied War Council regarding the control of British troops in- tho field are reported to be of such a strange character that Parliament should demand the fullest details and obtain the opinion of the British General Staff on the proposals. The London Star approves this counsel, and suggests that the Lords and Commons should act together in clearing up the "intolerable mystery" by setting up a joint committee from which members of the Cabinet would be excluded—obviously a proposal which no self-re&pect-inr Government would agree to and consent to remain in office, Perhaps it is not made seriously. . At all events tho same newspaper can hardly have had any but a humorous intention in mentioning a report that Mr. Lloyd George intends "to establish his headquarters, at Versailles and issue his orden thence." On the facts disclosed it seems highly probablo that another attempt is being mado by petulant and irresponsible critics, without any real reference to the facts, to now discord between politicians and soldiers and to create dissension where concord and harmony arc supremely necessary.
Tits best reasons for believing (hat the charges now made are mere fioth and vapouring are to be found in the known facts rolating to the origin and establishment of tho
Supreme War Council. All the allegations which arc now being revived in regard to the invasion of the military sphere by politicians and the subordination of national authority to that of a central council were prominently to the fore during the so-called crisis which vvas precipitated by the famous Pans speech and were conclusively answered. When he came to defend that speech in the House of Commons. Mr. Lloyd Geouge laid all possible emphasis upon the necessity of co-ordinating Allied military action to tho utmost possible extent —a necessity demonstrated by■' past failures and disasters—but ho was coually emphatic in stating tho limitations of the position, fie rejoctad the idea of appointing' ;ui Allied Generalissimo, and added that it would bo undesirable l:o set up a Council with executive powers unless the Allies were driven to it by the failure of the present experiment. Mn. Li.oyd George was nowhere more effective than in disposing of tho charge that tho constitution of the inter-Allied Council involved civilian interference with soldiers. His answer was that the proposal to set up such a Council came in the first, instance from tho 6oldiers themselves. Lord Kitchenkti proposed it in 1915, almost in the terms in which ho (Mr. Lloyd George)_ recommended it in Paris. Again, in July last'year, a meeting attended by Sir William Robertson, General Pershing, Gkneisai, Cadohna, and General Foch recommended the establishment of an inter-Allied Council: The Council was constituted, and there is no evidence that its constitution has been altered in any vital particular, as "a central body charged with the duty of continuously surveying the field of operations as a whole, and, by the light of information derived from all fronts and from all Govcrnments'and Staffs, of co-ordinat-ing the plans prepared by the different General Staffs, and, if necessary, of making proposals of their own for the better conduct of (he war." The Council, in fact, represents an attempt to give order and continuity to measures of co-ordina-tion between the Allies which had been nominally in force from a comparatively early stage in the war, but had been made ineffective by lack of order and continuity. Following upon the latest meeting of the Supreme War Council, Mk Bonar Law, iii a statement in tho House of Commons, spoko of an enlargement oj its functions, but this cannot be takento'mean that it has been endowed with executive authority which would enablo it to overrule the British General Staff or that of any other Allied Power. To endow the Council with executive authority would not bo to enlarge its functions, but to transform, its whole character. Before the Council could be endowed with executive, authority it would be necessary to create •an inter-Allied Staff. At present it is provided only with the military and naval staff necessary to co-ordinate the information supplied by tho individual General Staffs. A reasonable interpretation of Mr. Bonar Law's statement, and of others which have been made with authority in regard to the Council, is that it is developing effectively on the lines on which it was constituted—as a body making possible the breadth of survey and the co-ordination of Allied military policy which experience has shown to be essential. There is no reason to suppose that matters have taken any other course. The criticism ventilated to ; day is admittedly based on unsubstantial rumours, and it seems at least highly probable that it is dictated by personal and political rancour and that those from whom it emanates are in the class vigorously denounced by Me. Lloyd George when he said that people who tried to divide politicians and Boldiers and foster disunion among them were traitors to their country.
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Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 123, 11 February 1918, Page 4
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1,084The Dominion MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1918. SOWERS OF DISCORD Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 123, 11 February 1918, Page 4
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