PARLIAMENT

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3135, 13 July 1917, Page 6

PARLIAMENT

ADDRESS-IN-REPLY

REINFORCEMENTS AGAIN

MR. E. NEWMAN'S VIEWS "MEN MORE IMPORTANT THAN FOOD" The Houfie of Representatives met at 2.30 p.m. Mr. T. W. RHODES (Thames) gave notice of tho Thames Harbour Board Amendment Bill.

Mr. R. A. AVBIGIIT gave notice of the Wellington Citv Empowering Bill. SIR JOHN PINDLAY,(Hawke's Bay) gave notico of tho ITawke's Bay Rivers Amendment Bill and tha Napier Harbour Board Empowering Bill. Mr. C. E. STATHAM (Dunedin Central) gave notico of the Dunedin Waterworks Extension Bill.

The Manawatu County Loan and Empowering Bill (Mr. E. Newman) was introduced and rend a first time.

ADDRESS-IN-REPLY

MEMBER FOR HAWKE'S BAY

CRITICISM OF THE GOVERNMENT

SIR JOHN FINDLAY (Hawke's Bay) resumed tho debate on tho Address-in- ' Reply. He spoke first of the changes in tho Parliamentary system of the country by tho formation of the National Government. One result had been the elimination of a constitutional opposition. Indeed, the creation of a National Government should be to the supporters of the elective executive idea as some realisation of their dreams. The Government was not in jeopardy by the defeat of its measures. It was not in danger from a chance division. Ho had stood as a supporter of tho National Government, but ho had contemplated always that there would be allowed to private members a wider ambit of criticism. Ho would support the Government in a non-confidence motion, but he would exercise his freedom of judgment in pointing out the blunders of the Government and in resisting proposals of tho Government which he considered would not be in tho best interests of this country. Hβ believed that most people in the country had nothing but admiration for the work of the Minister cf Defence, who had shown industry and devotion to duty almost beyond praise. His cardinal vice would be almost a virtue under other circumstances. This worst fault of his; was his blind and unreasoning support' of his officers, even when they wero much at fault. This was a source of grave danger. Ho made appreciative reference also to the work of Mr. Herdinan ns Minister in charge of tho Returned Soldiers' Information Department, and to the visit of Mr. M.jiseey and Sir Joseph Ward to England. But he had come into the House neither to bury Caesar nor to praise him; not to gratify personal ambition but to do something if ho could to help tho country of his birth. Discussing again the formation of the National Government, he said that the non-party system had not been carried far enough. There should have been no other endeavour in ■the selection of men than to find the best men in the Parliament wHtiout regard to any party equation. He did not profess to bo ablo to judge as to whether the men now on the Treasury Benches were the best men in the House. That was a matter of opinion which he would leave to older members in the House. His remarks might be in point shortly. There was a vacancy in the Government now, and there might bo more vacancies. "If theso wero filled with as .'llllOll expedition as possible," ho said, "it would relieve from embarrassment a. few members of this House." (Laughter.) Sir John Findlay took no heed of tho laughter, but proceeded to say that one or more members of the Executive should bo chosen on strictly non-party lines. Another suggestion ho offered was that tho Government should call to its council table somo of the best men in the country outside of politics after the plan, followed by the Government of Great Britain. 'This would have made unnecessary tho setting up of such a multitudo of boards as tho Government had set up. One of the worst weaknesses a Government could have was disunion within itself, and "rumour, loud, persistent, and articulate" said that the Government was not united. If the Government wished to have the support of the House it should take the House into its confidence. He had asked for the reports of the National Efficiency Board, and tho House had not been given them. Why should the House be denied access to the reports and to tho evidence ?

Equality of 'Sacrifice. Generally, he argued that tho need of the hour in the Administration was for boldness. Tho Government should show a less regard for sectional interests and a greater regard for equality of sacrifice. In these times he would placo equality of sacrifice first among the aims which the Government should try to achieve. When a man earning, say, .£6 or .£7 a week, keeping his wife and two children in a large measure of comfort, was taken to be trained as a soldier the provision for his wife was at the rate of 38s. Cd. a week. This was tho compensation of the soldier. And when it was proposed to the clos.e the public houses at G o'clock there were members of the House who said that the publicans must have compensation. That \va.s their idea of equality of sacrifice. The producers of this country as well as tho publicans showed noor realisation of what equality of sacrifice meant. While the war had brought to many people hunger and pinching want, to others it had brought wealth and more wealth. And yet these producers when they were required to pay even a poor tribute they howled like broken bankrupts. The reply to tho demand for better compensation for soldiers was that wo could not afford it. Another instance-of tenderness to sectional interests—in this' case to the landowners—was to be found, he said, in the Discharged Soldiers' Settlement Act. Under this Act there was expressly repealed a clause in the Land for Settlement Act which was enacted to protect the State from extortionate demands of owners of land for too high values. This Act whs in this respect unfair to the public purse and unfair to the returned soldiers, who would have to pay rent on the inflated values. Ho spoke also of the provision in the land laws for the reduction nf rents to Crown tenants. Men got reductions of rent who had no reason for consideration, men who could get goodwills for their leases. An examination of the reductions made would show that during the last few years there had been written off soino hundreds of thousands of pounds of the value of the lands purchased under the Land for Settlement Act. Asked for particulars of the blocks to which he referred he mentioned eomo ill Canterbury.

Mr. Husseli: Bought by the Government you belonged to.

Mr. Isitt: Oli, don't raise that question. Sir John Fimllay said either these reductions of rent were unjustifiable or the values were too high because of the blundering ineptitude of the officers of the Lands Department. (Hear, hear.) An lion, member: Those officers were appointed by your Government.

Sectional Interests. Sir John Kindli'.y spoke of the settlement of soldiers on land. We were, he said, treating one clu a s of soldiers with hivislmess by comparison with the treatment we were giving to others. On tho 3'orangahau Estate it had cost an average of .EII2GO to settle every single soldier placed there. At this rate it would cost JC!i:i,!100,000 to settle IS.OOU soldiers! The country could not afford to treat one section with such Invisliness if jnstico was to bo done to the other side. Ho had heard that one soldier who had drawn a section in Poraiigahau had been offered =51000 for his leant.

II r. Sykes: The land was well bought. Sir John Findlay: But badly disnosc.l of.

An hou. member: Very good for tho soldier.

bn- John Mndlay declared in favour of six o clock closing, and it appeared also that ho would support wet cnnteons. He thought wo should raise a great deal more of our revenue by export tiuccs i.nd import taxes. Last of all, ] ie h iu l some . tiling to say about "prudent collective action, or "State action," which lie said, was tho only means by which tho peoplo could lie protected against rin«s and monopolies.