The Dominion MONDAY, JUNE 4, 1917. A SIGNIFICANT SPEECH

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3101, 4 June 1917, Page 4

The Dominion MONDAY, JUNE 4, 1917. A SIGNIFICANT SPEECH

At a direct view and ignoring the circumstances in which it was delivered, the speech made by the Austrian Emperor at the opening of the Reichsrath may seem so weak and halting as hardly to deserve attention. But, taking account of the complex and difficult problems which confront the Emperor Karl within the borders of the Dual Monarchy, and of the alliance in which he is entangled, the speech seems likely'to stand out in future as one of the significant utterances of the war. It does not go very far on any definite line, but in so far as it has character it is essentially conciliatory. This feature is marked enough to argue a'degree of initiative ■on the part of the yonng Emperor and a certain independence of tho factions at present dominant both in the Dual Monarchy and in Germany. There is, for instance, a very striking contrast between the speech of the EmperoiJ Karl and that lately made by the Kaiser to his soldiers on the Arras front. The speech of the older monarch breathed rancorous hatred and revenge. He exhorted his troops to fight to tho last, and particularly to hate the' British, even to the extent of taking no prisoners. The Austrian Emperor studiously avoided expressions of hatred, ancl while ho repeated formal assurances of allegiance to his allies the keynote of his speech is struck in tho statement that ho is ready to meet in a spirit of reconciliation the nations which stand opposed to the Central Powers. The Gorman publicity agents, who have lately been labouring to convince the world that relations between Germany and Austria have never been closer and ! more unclouded, than they are today, will find a new and difficult ; task in explaining away the extreme divergence between tho speeches of the two Emperors. Apart from its general character and tho broad indication it affords of a developing peace sentiment in the Dual Monarchy, there are detail features in the l Austrian Emperor s speech which arrest attention. As it stands, the reference to tho Slavs is little calculated to .satisfy or conciliate the members of that race living under Austro-Hungarian rule. Tfio Emperor, it is stated, promised reforms ensuring tho development of the various nations in tho monarchy, subject, however, to the unity of tlie State. These are almost tho words which have been used by German and Magyar champions 111 justification of tho regime of tyranny and terrorism by which thoir racial groups havo monopolised political power and freedom within the boundaries of tho Dual Monarchy. "Unity of the State" is a phrase very much open to suspicion in this connection. lb has bcon often used in the past to cloak abominablo crimes against the Slavs. In 1910, at a timo when a particularly violent campaign of oppression was being conducted against the members of that race, Count Tisza, who has just retired from the position of Prime Minister of Hungary, defined his position in the following terms:

Wheii our fellow-citizens form parties bn the.basis of nationality tliey are already denying the political unity ot the Magyar nation. "With this shade ot opinion there can bo no negotiation. It must bo fought, and, if we conquer, we must destroy it.

Tisza spoko of "the political unity of tho Magyar nation," and tho Emperor speaks of "tho unity of the State," but-there is no cloubt that the latter utterance is a concession to tho Magyar and German domination which Tisza and those who see eye to' eye with him assert and defend. Another-interesting feature of tho speech is the apparently deliberate avoidance of _any_ reference to the question of territorial'adjustments. Tho Ejiperor did not assert that Austria-Hungary would fight to tho last for tho restoration of its frontiers as they existed before the war; and it is possible, at least, that he refrained from doiDg_ so becauso he is prepared to consider a settlement on other lines. It is noteworthy that tho Austrian Foreign Minister (Count Czernin) is credited to-day with thc_ statement that undoubtedly Austria is prepared to negotiate peace without annexations, "and evin to satisfysome of Italy's ' national aspirations." For what it is worth, this goes to intensify the impression of conciliatory .approach conveyed in the EjiPEitpit's specch._ The circumstances in which tho Emperor spoke arc of a nature, on tho whole, to give his words aaaeu weight. It must be recognised even by his enemies that tho problems with which this young and inexperienced ruler is called upon to cope might very well dishearten and daunt a veteran statesman. Conditions which were created by his ancestors for their own advantage and aggrandisement make the position of the Emperor Karl almost impossible. He must acquiesce in the continued ill-treatment of the Slavs and other subjcct races, or como to an issue with the Germans and Magyars. Selecting cither al-

ternativc, bo risks the. collapse and I disruption of his Empire. Apart 1 from the speech reported to-day, tho most recent indications of the Emperor's influence on the policy of the Dual Monarchy havo come from Hungary. Tisza, a furious apostle of Magyar hegemony and a devoted henchman of tlio Pan-German party, has been displaced, and has been succeeded by Count Andrassy. It is reported that the latter has modified his Pan-German'policy in order to harmonise his view with that of the Emperor Karl, but thero is room for a suspicion that tho late political changes in Hungary, like other portents, imply that the Emperor has as yet made very limited headway towards a solution of the political problems by whioh he is faced. At all events Codnt drassy has figured hitherto as an exponent of Pan-Germanism only less fanatical in his zeal than those ' Mayence notables who recently voted, enthusiastically in favour of annexing tho whole British Empire. In considering any utterance by tho Ehpeiior Karl it must always' bo remembered that the Dual Monarchy is not only largely dominated by Germany, but is weakened by acute. and apparently incurable internal dissensions. There is something, however, to be said on the other side. The very t fact that the young Emperor is no attkwardly placed, at tho head of ari Empire broken into warring factions and dominated by a powerful ally, gives added weight and significance to such a speech as he made in opening the Reiohsrath. That he was able to diverge as. widely as lie did from the tone taken by the Kaiser and by the dominant factions in his own 'country suggests that other factors are challenging Pan-German and Magyar predominance in the Dual Monarchy, and that these factors make for peace and tend to strengthen the Emperor in whatever efforts ho may make to carry out political reforms and bring the war to an end. One such factor, and the most obvious, is popular discontent, which is credibly reported to have attained much more serious dimensions in Austria-Hungary than in any other of tho principal countries at war. .The • demonstrations in Vienna in favour of peace which coincided with tho. delivery of the Emperor's speech were symptomatic of a state of affairs, and a state of mind,, widespread throughout the Dual Monarchy. The war also _ has raised questions of new groupings. Whether or not it is true, as has been reported, that regular negotiations were conducted _ between Austria and Bavaria with a view to ultimate union, there are possibilities ,in this direction which the Austrian- Emperor has every interest in promoting. ' Whether lie will eventually succeed in reshaping and consolidating his Empire and in meeting the demands of the Allies, partly by concession of territory and partly by internal reforms, is of course, a very open question. Meantime his latest speech, guarded and carefully worded as it is, is a somewhat striking proof that the relations of tho Dual Monarchy and Germany are. not by any means unclouded,' and carries a distinct suggestion 'that developments in Aus-tria-Hungary may quite conceivably hasten the day of Germany's defeat.