The Dominion FRIDAY, JUNE 1, 1917. HOPE FOR RUSSIA
Until really clear light . i s thrown upon the.-position in Russia it will be wise- to rely rather upon what is definitely known about the leading men and .parties of the revolution and about the stages and developments through which it has passed than upon the fugitive and often doubtful reports which from day to clay and almost from hour to hour throw, some new wave of colour into an already kaleidoscopic situation. So far as the- very latest features of tho revolution are concorned we are thrown back to a- considerable extent on supposition, but in its bolder features this great national upheaval is already sufficiently defined to make it possible to mark out with a good deal of confidence- certain limitations. For instance, it is possible to say on evidence afforded'by the revolution itself that the conclusion of a separate peace by Russia is extremelv improbable. Much importance must be attached also to the character of tho men wheat present take a foremost part in directing Russian public affairs, arid in this direction also there is a good deal to inspire confidence in the outlook. Men of commanding character count for much in such an emergency as exists in Russia to-day, and if there is onp feature of the situation which above all others is of a nature to awaken confidence and hope it is that Prince George Lvoff is to all appearance firmlv established in the position conferred upon him in the first days of the revolution—that ot. executive head of tho. Provisional Government. The unchallenged ascendancy of this one man commands attention as perhaps the most significant feature of tho revolution to date. When a furious contest for governing power was fought to a: definite issue some weeks ago between tho moderate Liberals, led by such men' as Mihukoff and 'Guohkoff, and the proletarian party, led by Kekenski, it was suggested that the defeat of the moderates was a national rather than a party disaster, and ■ terribly impaired whatever prospects had previously existed of establishing Russian democracy on a sound foundation and evolving a sane policy. Tho continued presence of Prince George Lvoff at the head of the Provisional Government is a plain proof that ho docs not share this view, and there is almost certainly no man whoso opinion on the question of tho best government for Russia is more entitled to respect. The Ministers displaced were men of ability and of deservedly high reputation. They.are good democrats by British standards, and hoped to establish a constitutional monarchy under which Russia would have been governed on liberal and progressive lines. But tho view seems to be amply warranted that the strength of tho Government centred from the first in Prince Lvoff and not in tho Ministers who were lately displaced or thrust aside, able, and in some cases brilliant, as they admittedly were. Tho position is not explained by any theory that Prince Lvoff is a mere figurehead, as well able to serve one Government as another in that capacity. It is only partly explained' by the fact that he has the gift of attracting the respect and liking of men of widelydivergent views. It has been said of him that tho scholarly, though energetic, Miliukoff, no less than the impetuous and vehement Kerenski, will at all times submit to bis sway. But a faculty for working compromise is only one of tho Russian Premier's many titles to respect. It is much more important and much more hopeful for Russia in the present aspect of her affairs that he is a highly gifted organiser and has a record of successful achievement as a practical reformer which few, if any, living'men can rival. A man of great wealth and aristocratic birth, he has lived and worked among the poor at homo and abroad. . When he visited America years ago ho donned overalls and worked in railroad yards and machine shops for the sake of the practical experience. He studied farming methods in the Western States by driving a thresher, and industriously explored the civilisation of France and England. When ho returned to Russia.tho fruits of his education appeared in a ceaseless advocacy of vcfprm in the unsympathetic and hostile atmosphere of the Russian Court)and elsewhere, hut still more definitely in tho reforms carried out on his own estate and in the leading part he took in ■thl; creation of the local body organisation, which may now be said to constitute the backbone of Russia's national strength. Prince Lvofk's conspicuous genius is for order, administration, the ■ reduction of chaos to system. In the great works of reform which stand to his credit and in the intrepid spirit in which ho laboured in spite of heavy discouragement and opposition he gavo such proofs oF his
quality that it w;is said of him not luug ago: Dud ilicro been no Lvoii' there could Inivo been no revolution in .Itiisniu, Irecause he alums combinort the. dai'iii" Vitii the. wisdom which gives effect to hio-li "•solve. ■ ■ • 1-volV is an insUm-e,
of a. territorial magnate who I'uninl great esluto in ruin and wliu 'mlecnici it. Tho task cunfroiitiiijj him now id „• a larger euale, but it is still the fame. Unlike sonic of the Ministers win recently resigned and., with whon ho has otherwise much in common Prince Lvoff, according to the correspondent of ;i Frciicn daily win attended' a recent gathering a which tho Prince spoke freely, holdi radically republican views! Thai may account for his willingness U head a government in which the ficr\ Kerenski and his Socialist col leagues now take a prominent place It is enough for the present pur pose, however, that if his oharactci and achievements as a reformei count for anything Prince Lvofi would not be content to head am government but the one- which he considers best fitted to help Russia to work out her salvation as a democratic nation. ' It must be recognised also that the Socialist members of the Government have given some convincing proofs that they are worthy of their chief. Kerenski, in particular, the acknowledged leader of the proletarian party and a man thoroughly trusted by the Russian working classes, lias given the lie to those who affirmed that his policy, if ho gained a position of power, would bo to seek tho shortest road out of tho war. It may be added that members of the extremist party in general have given positive tokens of a very different spirit than is credited to th_em in somo of tho cablegrams today. One such token was the treatment meted out to Lenin, an extremist who returned to Russia, through Germany, and demanded tho immediate and unconditional conclusion of peace and vengeance against Kerenski and others whom ho described as traitors to international Socialism. He was speedily discredited ami was left absolutely without supporters. On the whole, the weight of evidence supports an opinion that the genuine forces of democracy are gaining ground in Russia. Whether they have gained a sufficient command of the situation to enable the Russian Army to take an - effective part in this year's campaign is admittedly still *a-matter of conjecture, That they will triumph in'the end is confidently expected.
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Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3099, 1 June 1917, Page 4
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1,211The Dominion FRIDAY, JUNE 1, 1917. HOPE FOR RUSSIA Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3099, 1 June 1917, Page 4
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