BRITAIN'S CHANGE OF POLICY

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 2988, 27 January 1917, Page 14

BRITAIN'S CHANGE OF POLICY

RUSSIAN OPINION

STEP IN RIGHT DIRECTION

("Morning Post" Correspondent.)

Hetrograd, December 13. The "Novoo Vremya" to-day, in a two-column leader, makes • amends for the article of the previous day by Professor Pilenko, in which tlje responsibility for tho war appeared to be hxed on Viscount Grey. No" one, of course," either in England or Russia believes that Viscount Grey was personally responsible for this war. When Germany was so fully prepared for war that her ruler openly calculated that the chances wore a hundred to one in her favour, no possible course of action on the part of England could have prevented war. i'ho "JNWoe Vremya" discredits any other suggestion, but it is pointed out that on July 31, 1914, tho day before Germany declared war on Russia, "Lord Grey addressed to Russia and France a statement that they • should not count upon the inevitable participation of England, while Germany was similarly warned by him that she could liot count on England's non-participa-tion, in the face of the overthrow of France and Belgium." The unfortunate implication seemed to be that Germany, through Austria, could do as she pleased in the ..Near East; and. once war began, it seemed to lie. England's intention, through her Foreign Office, to make it plain that her participation was solely due to considerations which had nothing to do .with Russia. ■ The fact is that the policy which governed England's mentality 'for a decade before the war may bo summed up as a policy of ignoring Russia as far as possible. . . Germany Preparing For War. For 'some twenty years past everybody had been aware that Germany was actively preparing for war. Her lines of expansion were recognised td be three—hrst of all eastwards into Russia, then south-eastwards. into the Balkans, Turkey, Persia, and, doubtless, eventually India; and, thirdly, overseas,, which meant primarily the Americas and Great Britain's Colonial Empire. Up to a decade.ago the Governments of England and Russia had been steadily drawing nearer one another. That , movement , afterwards slackened perceptibly, and the fault was not Russia's:, On at least two notable occasions successive' Russian Ministers of Foreign Affairs earnestly endeavoured _to approach England with epoch-making proposals! Their proposals were not listened to.

When we remember the three lines of expansion long ago recognised as being elaborated by Germany and cast an eye over tho area of warfare as it stands.to-day, perhaps it is needless further to develop the present aspect of affairs as they appear from the Russian point of view. Tho British public, with true instincts,, and without any guidance boyond that of its Press, has been endeavouring for a couple of years past to'cement a firm friendship with the people of Russia. Tlie British Government has participated 'in this popular movement by methods of advertisement which amuse, if they do not impress, our Russian Allies, Popularity in England is a tromeVidous asset; but the English people gravely err in supposing that tho same holds good in Russia. Solidarity , with : Russia must begin at the top and work downwards. For many years past thero has been incomparably more evidenso of the opposite method, which is a fatal error. -So far from bringing success, this method, as Russia is constituted, is calculated to ensure failure. How to Influence Russian Policy. ' Anglo-Russian or Russo-British ihtitutions, mutual admiration societies, and similar organisations aiming at publicity and popularity aro not going to have the slightest effect upon the course of Russian policy in the positive sense. On the other hand, in cer-. tain circumstances they may have a decidedly injurious effect, in tho negative sense, as identifying England with internal movements which concern tlie Russian people only. England, while allied to Russia for the purposes of this war, has persisted, under the inspiration of the late Government, in refusing seriously to consider with Russia upon what bases the civilised world must settle down again to an assured state of peace. "Let us first finish the war" is' a British phrase which has always had a sinister sound to Russian ears. From a very long knowledge of Russia I venture to urge most strongly upon tho new Cabinet of Great Britain the immediate laying down of those solid bases for future ' friendship without which all movements in the direction of popularity are useless and may become dangerous. Russia _ has sought such • a definition of basic principles ever since tlie autumn of 1914, and the phrase "Let us first finish the war" is a wholly inadequate response as between the two greatest Empires in the world. That something in tho_ right direction has been done was evidenced by the recent declaration in the Duma about tho Dardanelles. But what we want is something less one-sided and very much more extended. . . _ The political upheavals in all the Allied countries indicate clearly enough that we hare not been very far from a catastrophe in this war.- That a catastrophe was not reached is/mainly duo to the deep-rooted belief in Russia that England was sound at heart, and that her Government did not represent what was best in Englishmen. Tho change of Government in England has justified Russia's belief, and the development of the policy which was steadily expanding upon tlie only safe lines up to a decade ago is now securely counted on.