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The Dominion. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1903. LIBERALISM:

Commenting on Tuesday last upon Lord Eoseeery's Glasgow speech, we obsorvod that "nobody who has kept his head clear as to what Liberalism really mean's has .ever doubted this notable British statesman's soundness as an exponent of Liberal doctrine." As was reported in a cable message published on Saturday, Lord Roskbery has dealt with this point in a preface to the authorised version of his speoch, and it is doubtful whether his strong and acute mind and •remarkable gift of clear expression have ever been put to better use than in' his defence of his action in abandoning the Liberal' party. The passage in which he throws a flood of light upon the drift of Liberalism contains a mpst important lesson for this country. : ii."J r m , ay notic «." ho says, "the allegation that I have suddenly left the Liboral party. Ihe fact would be more accurately stated if it was alleged that the Liberal party had left me. They have gone ahead with,alarming velocity to a spot far in advance, and havo left mo behind. I am where I was, in respect of party ties, fivo, ten, or thirteen years ago, when I severed mv official connection with the party, in 1896. . . •. At every accession to the Throno tho old Great seal is broken .and'-invalidated,' and a new pno fabncated ; giving the only authorised impression; 'It is the same way in politics. At every general election a new brand was mado for the Liberal party. Those who' did not bear its mark wore outside tho legitimate ranks, bmV.it did not follow tbat thoy did not belong ■to the old party and bear tho old stamp. •

Before passing on to apply this statement of the position of Liberalism in Britain to the position. in New Zealand it may bens well to state very briefly what Liberalism is, aB compared with: what .the party which uses the name suppose it to mean. '•'-..' L'.

The first Liberals were the opponents of • the Tories .who stood for • authority and antiquity, and their aim was simply to secure individual liberty and freedom from coercion. In his Principles of legislation, Bentham, ono of the chief of the Philosophic Radicals, laid ,it down that Liberalism must bo rooted in Individualism;: and the basis of all' things must be.security,:,; , > - ■..,'. ... When security and equality are in conflict -it'will not do to hesitate a moment. Equality must, yield. The first is the foundation ot life; subsistence, abundance, everything depqnds upon it. Equality produces only a certain portion of good. .Besides, whatever we may do, it will never be perfect; it may exist ; a_day, but the ; revolutions of te-mor-row will ovorturn- it. Tho establishment of a perfect equality is ,a.chimera; all.we can do is to dimmish 1 inequality. '. . .'But if property should bo with the direct intention of establishing an: equality, of possessions tho evil would be- irreparable. No more security, no more abundance,- society would return to tho savage,state whenco it emerged.. ■ Mr. Asquint, for, all his.drift into a policy/opposed to the original teachings of.'Liberalism, has a full realisation of the.truth .thus-set forth by Bentham, for in'his .recent, speech -'to'- the Eighty Club' ho stated the following as one of the "specific'...airhs'.' of : LiboraiismV ."As l regards -to .make it. securo by divesting it of, injustice."',, The most-com-plete; statement, in a brief form, .of the-■yitaj_-principles of:' the' original'Liberalurn is that given', by Maoaulay inhis essay ; qn, Southey's Colloquies, .which., we have often commended to the notice of tho!public. .. :■',• -', ■-~.

It is. not (says.Jlacaulay) by the, inter-meddlmr-of : tho omnipotent and omniscient Mate, but by the prudence and energy of tlio people that England has hitherto been car;ned forward in civilisation, and'it is to the saino prudence and the same energy that wo 'now look; with comfort and good hope. Our ruler? will best promote tho improvement of the. nation 'by strictly confining themselves to their own legitimate duties, by-leaving capital to find its most lucrative course, commodities their fair * pn'co, "industry and intc Wcnco their natural reward, idleness and folly their natural punishment, by maintaining peace, .by ; defending property,: by diminishing the price of law, and by observing striot economy in every Department of the btatc. Lot the Government .do this: ,the Pooplewill assuredly do the, rest. But the best discussion of the whole subject: of what' Liberalism means, and of the-extent to which itsmeaning- has been corrupted by:'thoso who have claimed the title in later yoars, is to be'found: in Herbert Spencer's woll-known essay on "The Now Toryism." .'■ tor- naming the series of: original Whig measures which, aimed at tho; removal of restraints from the individual's liberty, Spencer, proceeds: ' :■ . ,■'■'; - : . '.. . ■'

.•It., would be inowusablo to ; namo those various-measures for'the purpose; of pointing out the character common to them, were it not that in our day men have forgotten their .common character. Thoy do not remember that, in one or other way, all these truly Jjiberaj ohaiigos .diminished compulsory cooperation throughout- social life and 'increased voluntary co-operation. They have forgotten-that, m ono direction or other, they diminished tho range of governmental authority, ! and r increased the area within which each-citizen may act unchecked. They have lost sight of the-truth that in past Liberalism'; habitually stood for individual freedom, versus. State coercion. . ■-.-. ..; \\hat, in the popular apprehension and 111 the apprehension of those who effected them, were the changes • mado by Liberals-in tho.'past?- tboy„were abolitions of grievances suffered by the people, or by portions of them. .'..-.. . Thov were mitigations <?f evils which had beou directly, or indirectly felt by largo masses of citizens,'as causes of'misery or as hindrances to happiness. .'■■■.: '•'...

One has but to reflect for a moment on the vigour with which the average official "Liberal," either; in Britain or New would' ropudiata a policy proceeding on the.linee running through our quotations to perceive that Lord Rosebery is quite right in saying that it is the so-called "Liberal" Government, and not he, who has brokoh with Liberal principles. The case of .New Zealand affords a much better example of. the drift of political ideas-than is afforded even by England. If the average Government supporter,were:asked to define Liberalism ho would' probably got no further than an assertion that it meant supporting Sir Joseph Ward. If he were pressed he would probably say ' that "Liberalism means the Arbitration Act and State coal-mines.". To leave tho particular for the general, either he' would be unablo to give any definition of Liberal, principles at all, or ho would call Liberal a host of things that aro fundamentally opposed to Liberal principles, the very negation of real Liberalism. The Ward Government, whatever name properly describee it, is anything but a Iyibdral Government. Not only has it no title, oven of the slonderest sort, to the name that it impudently claims for .itself: it cannot even claim to bo related, still less to be i a pfirpatu&iiiont «ea xd tho rathar pox-J

vorted Liboralisru for which Ballance stood. Ballance at any rate practised and preached many really Liberal principles. If he were to visit the oarth now ho would most assuredly be astonished at .the things done in his name. If ho were in politics to-day ho would belong to tho Reform party. Mr. Millar actually told the Liboral and Labour Federation that the Ward Government was "going on exactly the same lines as wero laid down by Ballance, and followed by Mr.' Seddon and Sir Joseph Ward." What did Ballance say on the question of finance," for example ? Hero is an extract from his first Budget:

. \ e must-be certain; while tho great object is being reached, that wo shall have sulucient revenue to meet tho growing demands ■on tho Consolidated Fund; arising through the cessation of borrowing" large amounts of money in the English market, i'or, if we are to maintain our credit and nnancial independence, borrowing in that market must cease. . . . On the other hand, if the machinery of government could Da s simplified, and Judicious retrenchment carnecl to its proper Tmit, the expenditure side of the account might still bo considerably reduced. But wo are strongly of opinion that any material reduction must come from a more direct and simple form of administration, directed to the .attainment of practical ends; and it will bo necessary to sea that our measures of legislation do not include liabilities which will render this form of economy an impossibility." ■' And the Seddon and Ward Governments have added thirty millions to' the Public Debt and increased the cost of the Departments by £3,560,533 a year, or 176 per cent.! The most'amazing thing is that tho friends of the Government actually call.the real Liberals who oppose them the enemies 'of Liberalism! Political lahela are clinging' things, but already there is no genuine Liberal in this country who would not be hard put to recogniso the Liberal principles of the Ward Government. The groat name of Liberal, with all \ts splendid associations, has come to mean in this country merely a man who is a "Government supporter" for what he can got out of it.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19090921.2.8

Bibliographic details

Dominion, Volume 2, Issue 617, 21 September 1909, Page 4

Word Count
1,510

The Dominion. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1903. LIBERALISM: Dominion, Volume 2, Issue 617, 21 September 1909, Page 4

The Dominion. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1903. LIBERALISM: Dominion, Volume 2, Issue 617, 21 September 1909, Page 4

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