The Dominion. TUESDAY, APRIL 6, 1909. SOUTH AFRICA AND THE EMPIRE.

Dominion, Volume 2, Issue 475, 6 April 1909, Page 4

The Dominion. TUESDAY, APRIL 6, 1909. SOUTH AFRICA AND THE EMPIRE.

Ik all the eloquence that has been called forth by the naval crisis and the wave of feeling that it sent surging through the Empire, no finer or more statesmanlike voice has been heard than that of the Attorney-General of the Transvaal, Mr. Jacob de Villiees. As a cable r message reported yesterday, he referred in the Assembly at Pretoria to a suggestion that his State should offer a Dreadnought to the Imperial Governmont, and said that his opinion was that "the best present would be a united community." "Any European race," he added, "which imagined that in the event of a European war they might look for help from a portion of the inhabitants of South Africa would be much mistaken. South Africa would stand as one man with the Empire." ' Coming from the Prime Minister of any of the older States of the Empire Me. de Vilmers' opigram would not be' very impressive, but as the opinion of a Boer Minister in a State won only yesterday by the sword, in circumstances of the deepest bitterness, the epigram has enormous value. When the Liberal Government in Great Britain decided to grant a full, free Constitution to the conquered Boer republics, a storm of protest arose in the most influential quarters, and Me. Eudyaed Kipling was only expressing the real fears of many true Imperialists when, in verses that he would now be glad to recall, he taunted the Government with having "jugglingly devised" to "hand back again" to the Boers tho countries which Britain had won at the cost of so much blood and treasure. Tho most ample and passionate assurances of their loyal acceptance of the now order were given by the Boer leaders, but these fell for a long time upon suspicious ears. With the passage of time, however, even the most cautious and suspicious amongst tho opponents of the Transvaal Constitution have been driven to confess their

failure to estimate the capacity of the Boers to embrace the idea of empire. The London Times, once the protagonist of the anti-Boer movement after Vcreeniging, made the closing of the National Convention at Capo Town in February the text of an article remarkable for its enthusiasm. It declared that "for careful and instructed statesmanship, for conscientious thoroughness, for decisive courage on controversial points, the work of the Convention will take high rank amongst the labours of those not numerous but historic assemblies which have brought a living Constitution to the birth." "Freedom from racial and provincial jealousies," "a wise capacity for compromise,"—these were regarded by the old opponent of "Dutch domination" as "the best of auguries for the future peace and welfare" of South Africa: "The Convention has served perhaps an even greater end than its immediate one, by showing how men of both races, when brought together by a spirit of common patriotism, can act together for the interest of the splendid country which claims the first allegiance of both." Later ages will perhaps realise better than we of the present day can do how ■ strange and splendid has been the sequel of the bitter war in South Africa. As the Times has said, South Africa is no longer a matter for concern to the Imperialist, but it is none the less gratifying to hear such an impressive assurance of Transvaal loyalty as that of the At-torney-General. South Africa's troubles are, of course, very far from being over. The Parliaments are now considering the draft Constitution .arranged by the Convention, and the welcome news is to hand to-day that the Orange Eiver Colony and the Legislative Council of the Transvaal have accepted the Constitution. Natal, which is very reluctant to lose its identity in a united nation, and Cape Colony, which would be temporarily under-represented in the new National Assembly, are likely to obstruct the consummation of a united South Africa. But even if a final arrangement is not come to now, it will be come to later on. The differences are only local and provincial,'and not racial, and when a national spirit exists, as it most assuredly does exist, provincial rights and jealousies cannot long hold out. Between unification and federation the choice is not easy. Australia is suffering from the clash of the States, and the Federal principle is causing friction in America, and also in a lesser degree in Canada. But for the rest of the Empire it is of not much importance whether South Africa follows Australia's example or reconstructs itself as one homogeneous State. What is important is that the distinction between Boer and Briton is buried under the new national spirit that has arisen. It hardly required Me. de Valuers' blunt, and almost brutal, warning to Germany to convince the German Foreign Office that South Africa is no longer anything but a loyal State of the Empire. The directness of the advice to "European races" is amusing, and perhaps a little crude—to German ears it will sound coarse—but it is no unpleasant accompaniment of the epigram in which the' Minister draws the true lesson which the naval crisis contains for South Africa.