THE STRIKE.

Dominion, Volume 1, Issue 237, 30 June 1908, Page 6

THE STRIKE.

The public of Wellington is well deserving of sympathy in tho great troublo and annoyance to which it has been subjected by the strike of the bakers' operatives, but tho strike will serve the good purpose of bringing home to every citizon the gross injustice of one of the cardinal demands of organised labour, namely, that trades unionism shall, use the Arbitration Act for what it can yield, and yet retain the right to go on striko when tho Act is squeezed dry of its benefits. Tho public's disapprobation of tho strikes of the past six months has originated, not in a moral heat against the infringement of the country's laws, but in a disgust at the cynical contempt of this strikers for fair play, tho readiness of a section of trades-unionism to repudiate its bond. Tho situation to-day is unchanged, so far. as tho determination of both sides to stand firm is concerned. A heavy obligation rests, upon the public. The master-bakers are fighting the battle of employers throughout the country, and if they receive the support of the public, this strike may mark-tho beginning of tho end of labour domination in this country. The objectivo of the trades-union agitators is not simply tho securing of good conditions for tho worker. The repeated outbreaks against the just awards'of the Court specially created to protect tho worker make that quite clear. What is aimed at is the subjection of Parliament, and therefore of the country, to tradesunion rule.

Tho Minister for Labour, appears at last partially to realise the true meaning of this wave of revolt. It is difficult to .believe that tho Government, with its eyc3 open to the' inevitable) result of a weak

policy, will sell the future and the happiness of this country for votes at the coming elections. . Yet, until tha Prime Minister gives us better assurances concerning the Government's attitude than were given by Mr. Millar yesterday, the Government must remain under suspicion. Mr. Millar's reply to yesterday's deputation was not free from a disturbing weakness on some essential points. The deputation demanded protection. " The only protection that he had any power to grant," said the Minister, "was the prosecution of the men." He would take prompt action, "but there was no law that would enable this or any other Government to force men to go to work." That is true, and well put. The wonder is that neither Mr. Millar or any of his colleagues can or will admit that the very esscnce of compulsory arbitration—the sole justification of Mr. Hesves'b experiment—is that it shall be able to force men to remain at work under the conditions laid down by the Oourt. How could that law possibly be equitable which places a constraint on the master as a set off to the constraint upon the men, when the men, in the last resort, arc beyond constraint? The Act leaves the employer at the mercy of his employee. That, of course, is not Mr. Millar's fault. But it is a final condemnation of the Act in its present shape, and Mr. Millar ancT the Government will bo at fault unless they amend the law so as to make impossible the glaring injustices that spring up under it. it is satisfactory, at least, that the Minister has so promptly taken the only correct course by instructing his officers to prosecute the strikers individually. It is a hopeful sign when the Government gives this evidence of having at last admitted the correctness of the course that we have been ceaselessly advocating for months past. On May 26 last, in discussing the Auckland strike, we condemned " that jugglery with procedure which reduces the Act to a nullity by making the Union the only objective of such punitive action as may be taken," and we pointed out that the Blackball affair had " taught the Government that if men-are to be deterred from striking— and that is the object of any prosecution in this case—resort must be had to individual penalties." Yet the Minister, after promising that " the legal course in dealing with the late Auckland tramway troublo will be followed by, the Government," actually directed the law against the Union. It is satisfactory to know that the Minister has decided that the public will not endure any further paltering with the situation. Mb." Tregear explains that the prosecution of the men individually has been decided upon in order to avoid delay. It must. bo.concluded, therefore — as, indeed, we concluded long ago — that the roundabout procedure in past strikes was adopted in order to secure delay.

•At first sight, Me. Millar's distinction between strikes that " hardly affect" the public, ancl qther strikes that immediately affect everybody, would appear to be a sound one, and worthy of approval. But it must raise very grave doubts, in the public mind as to the correctness of the Government's view of rebellions against the Arbitration Act. The 'current- strike is in no way a more serious offence against the law than the Blackball strike. The Act makes no distinction between strikes, and it will be a most injurious amendment that will introduce such a discrimination as will 1 encourage the belief that there is such a thing as a privileged strike. A discrimination that will make for greater rapidity of action arid' severer penaltioa iu certain kinds of strikes will involve the doctrine that in some trades men may go on strike with the certainty that the law will work slowly and deal gently with them.: Such a doctrine cannot be tolerated for a moment, as the Minister 1 will probably see on further reflection. • Tho issue of the present troublo will bo awaited with much anxiety. Should the masters surrender, the security of industry in New Zealand will receive a deadly blow, the effects of which it will require all the statesmanship of Parliament and the Government to remove.