Belgian King influential in divisional crises

Press, 3 December 1987, Page 17

Belgian King influential in divisional crises

MAVIS AIREY,

who worked as a journalist in Brussels

during 1976-83, writes that King Baudouin, who this week visited Christchurch with Queen Fabiola, is more than a figurehead.

‘"The crossroads of Europe” is bow Belgian politicians like to describe their country. Sandwiched between France in the south, and the Netherlands in the north, bordered by Germany in the east, and facing Britain across the English Channel, it is indeed on everybody’s way everywhere in Europe. While this is fine for commerce and tourism, it is disastrous when neighbours decide to go to war. The present invasion of the country by the European Com-, munity, N.A.T.0., S.H.A.P.E., the multinationals, and three separate diplomatic corps— ito Belgium, the E.E.C. and N.A.T.O. — is the most peaceful and welcome in a history of invasions that goes back over 2000 years. "The most vulnerable country on earth,” Belgium has been invaded countless times since the Romans conquered Belgian Gaul in 57 B.C. After the Romans came the Franks, the Huns, Charlemagne, the Normans, the Hungarians and the dukes of Burgundy. The French, Spanish, Austrians, the Dutch, Germans, British and Americans have all fought over these crucial 30,000 square kilometres. No wonder war-weary Belgium was one instigator of the European Community, a grouping which for all its faults makes the possibility of war between its partners unthinkable for the first time in centuries. No longer threatened from without, ironically, Belgium is still threatened from within. Through the heart of the country runs a linguistic frontier — a legacy of the Roman and Frankish invasions — which separates the Walloon and Flemish communities. To the North, Flemish variants of Dutch are spoken; to the South, French and Walloon dialects. In the East of the country, there is a small enclave of German speakers.

« ROUGE RODE STRUT

All signs are bilinguaL The city is traditianaUy French speaking but lies within Flemish-speaking territory. Relations between the two main communities have often been strained. In sensitive border areas, violence has regularly erupted, and the status of the capital, Brussels, a traditionally French-speaking city lying within Flemish-speaking territory, is still a political hot potato. linguistic differences have been heightened over the years by growing economic disparities between the wealthy Flemish north and the struggling Walloon south. Economic and “community” problems have caused over 30 governments to fall since the Second World War.

During the six years I spent in Brussels, most of them working for “Time” magazine, the Government fell so often I began to

despair of getting to write about anything else. At one point, King Baudouin had to appoint an "informateur” to explore the basis of a coalition government; later, he gave the fledgling coalition of Wilfried Martens emergency powers for one year to bypass parliamentary consent and invoke reforms by royal decree. The government might have fallen again in the aftermath of the 1985 soccer riots had the King not refused to accept its resignation. Such involvement by royalty in political affairs comes as a surprise to those used to the British monarchy’s “hands off’ tradition, but there are sound historical reasons for King Baudouin to be more than just a figurehead. After the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo, just outside Brussels, the Congress of Vienna tried to merge Belgium and the Netherlands into the United Kingdom of the Low Countries. The Belgians rebelled and, in 1830, finally achieved independance as a constitutional and parliamentary monarchy. As a reaction against Dutch rule, the constitution lays down guarantees to prevent the King acting against the will of Parliament. He nevertheless has legislative, executive and judicial powers. He appoints and revokes ministers, approves and enacts Especially in times of crisis, he can have a decisive influence on political developments.

Many Belgians feel the monarchy plays a crucial role as a focus for national unity which prevents the country fragmenting along linguistic lines. From the early days of independence, French language and

culture dominated government circles and the capital city of Brussels. In the days of Walloon wealth from the steel industry in the industrial revolution, Flemings who wanted to “make it” had to speak French.

Now, as Wallonia struggles with industrial decline, the increasingly wealthy Flanders is demanding equality. Brussels is officially bilingual. All the city road signs are in both languages, as are all official documents. To get a job in the civil service, dealing with the public, one has to speak both languages, which gives the Flemings a head start over the French speakers, many of whom feel threatened by the loss of linguistic superiority. Children learn both languages at school, and the country has two separate broadcasting services. At the moment, Belgium is again between governments, a crisis triggered by the actions of the mayor of a town just inside the Flemish-speaking area who refuses to use Dutch in administering the town. The majority of townspeople want to switch to the Walloon region.

Wilfried Martens’ sixth Government fell a month ago, and new elections are due to be held on December 13, two years early. Belgium’s severe economic problems have also increased tensions between the coalition partners. The unemployment level is one of the highest in the European Community, at over 11 per cent. The State debt runs at 105 per cent of the gross domestic product.

The painful Rogemomics-style austerity measures introduced by succeeding Martens governments have brought Belgium closer to solvency, but at the cost of resistance from vested interests in the unions, the health sector and education, and manufacturers’ complaints about the abolition of subsidies.

Inevitably, many economic problems have linguistic overtones, and there are extremists on both sides who seek secession. Flemings argue that they don’t see why they should subsidise uneconomic Walloon industries; the Walloons call for the creation of new jobs as the first priority. In an effort to give some regional autonomy, regional councils for Flanders and Wallonia were finally set up in 1980 after years of wrangling. The councils now have control over cultural and environmental affairs, local government and policies affecting business, but not education — yet. Tensions between the parties on what responsibility councils should have for education was another reason for the collapse of the government. While New Zealand’s efforts to achieve a bicultural society are not affected by any geographical separation between the main protagonists, it seems to me there are some lessons to be learned from the Belgian experience.

Getting used to bilingual road signs is easy, getting rid of old grudges is noL It is never comfortable for those who have been privileged to give up those privileges, and not always easy for those taking them up to do so graciously. There is a tremendous need for patience and tact on both sides. But, unquestionably, Belgium is the richer for its diverse cultures. So is New Zealand.